Cowen bid to prop up O’Donoghue in the chair was simply grotesque

DÁIL history was made this week. Never before has a Ceann Comhairle been forced out of office. This has been the culmination of a summer of revelations about several years of lavish living. John O’Donoghue has been the butt of ridicule over recent months: ‘Johnny Cash’, ‘Johnny Junket’ and ‘Elton John’. He has been characterised as the Bull that wouldn’t budge. He is the author of his own misfortune and downfall.

The final stages of his resignation were a humiliation. From the moment Eamon Gilmore dispatched the statement at 5.38pm on Sunday week he was doomed. He misunderstood the temporary easing of pressure upon him as a softening of attitude. Instead it was simply to allow him time voluntarily to resign with a semblance of dignity. For months he refused to answer any questions about his ministerial extravagance because his office was above party politics. In clinging to office he lobbied Fianna Fáil and the Greens to vote down an opposition vote of confidence.

He actively sought to stay in the job in the most partisan of circumstances. The attempts by Brian Cowen to sound out John Gormley and the Greens for possible support in a Dáil vote were grotesque. He was “one of their own”.

FF ministers have sought to defend O’Donoghue on the grounds that he was given a political death sentence without a fair hearing. Willie O’Dea equated O’Donoghue’s fate with a Stalinist show trial. This is utterly bizarre. It proves that 12 consecutive years of power detaches you completely from ordinary people.

Ministerial life is lived in a bubble. Such are the demands on your diary for requests of people to meet you that barriers of access are erected through your personal ministerial office. Your private secretary controls your diary. The respect and reverence that you are afforded by civil servants means you are cosseted. At official events you are the guest of honour and therefore feted.

All these lifestyle circumstances ultimately give you a perspective of self-importance. The mistake ministers make is that they start to believe in their deified existence. When it comes to expenses their viewpoint mirrors the L’Oreal advert, “Because you’re worth it ...”

After such a long period of continuous reign, incumbent ministers take for granted their exalted status. The abnormal becomes normal. Their self-confident demeanour develops into arrogance and eventually hubris. Three terms of office makes this condition endemic. Over the past year, everyone in society has been confronted with a terrible vista: assets have halved in value, family members have lost jobs, pension values have collapsed, pay cuts of 20%, stocks and shares have grossly devalued, money has become very tight all around.

Meanwhile, the tax burden continues to rise. There is deep resentment by hard-pressed taxpayers about a culture of waste and excessive expenses.

O’Donoghue’s hotel rooms costing €900 per night; Ahern’s €2,400 for a night in the Dorchester, London; the Government jet being used as a personal taxi (with ministerial cars being sent to meet the plane at the airport); limousine hire for more than €1,000 a day; being accompanied by an entourage of partners, spouses and political advisers – all became commonplace in the Celtic Tiger era. They really believed they created an economic miracle and were entitled to the fruits of it. They are now dazed and confused as the truth is exposed.

The virus has spread to Leinster House. Over the past decade there has been a transformation in the pay, perks and conditions of TDs and senators. The ratio of their salaries relative to the average industrial wage has trebled. Their salaries have jumped from circa £IR30,000 to more than €100,000 per annum.

Many TDs can claim more than €100,000 a year in additional expenses. They employ secretarial staff plus an expensive personal assistant. Charlie McCreevy, as Minister for Finance, deliberately and unapologetically believed in transforming the remuneration of public representatives.

In fairness to Dáil deputies, there are two sides to their story. They are rare public servants who can be unceremoniously fired at election time. Their greatest preoccupation is with their own re-election. This obliges them to pursue the gratification of their constituents.

Many rural deputies drive more than 1,000 miles a week around their constituencies to funerals, meetings and functions. They generously support every charitable request from local sporting, community and health-related voluntary organisations. They assiduously buy drink after party meetings in the local pub. They fund a streamlined local personal information and assistance bureau through their local constituency office. The expense regime for these re-election costs does not reimburse them adequately.

The annual constituency travel allowance varies from €2,500 to €8,000. The constituency office payment is only €8,000 per annum. They get an additional €5,000 provision for constituency clinics. The real cost of oiling the wheels of democracy can run to more than €50,000 per year. Therefore, they deliberately over claim on their Dáil attendance-related expenses.

The politics of anger doesn’t achieve results. Oireachtas expenses needs to bereformed. There must be an external independent input. Politicians should not determine their own perks regime. Outside accountants could readily assess private sector comparative systems and payment for politicians in other EU states. A fair system of remuneration should be easily attainable. While vouched expenses are palpably more defensible, they will lead to future controversy. Pay TV bills will be exposed on hotel invoices – blue movies are inadvisable.

THE 1997 Freedom of Information Act is transforming public affairs for public officials. Transparent details are now accessible for the minutiae of expenditure. Politicians are grasping the enormity of this reform. The private sector does not have the same scrutiny. However, the same adjustment is endemic in the top echelons of Irish business. CEOs, CFOs and company directors are all experiencing the elimination of bonuses, the removal of perks and privileges. The reduction in total incomes is an epidemic arising out of the recession.

John O’Donoghue was well able to excoriate ministers as an adversarial Justice opposition spokesperson. He was renowned for politicised grant-giving as Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism. There is little evidence of personal humility throughout his political career. His penchant for luxury was exceptional and unsustainable.

He doesn’t deserve sympathy or victim status because he milked the system. Eamon Gilmore correctly read the public mood of accountability. Inside the club of Leinster House he will be perceived as disloyal and opportunistic. This dichotomy highlights the bubble which detaches our politicians.

TDs have not absorbed the austerity and sacrifices of economic correction experienced by so many. Their conspiracy of silence during the recess on O’Donoghue was deafening. The moral authority of the Dáil is a devalued currency. An appropriate fresh start would have been to allow a free vote for the election of Ceann Comhairle. The office-holder would then be truly independent and respected.