Empey says no - Assault on plan to unify economy

THE ambitious new plan to marry the economies of the North and the Republic will, depending on one’s political viewpoint, be seen either as an enlightened vision of Ireland in the 21st century or a poisoned chalice.

Even before the ink was dry on the picture of an all-island economy, outlined by the Irish and British governments, contrasting signals were coming from the Dublin-London axis and Belfast.

From a government perspective, it has the essential ingredients for building a strong, competitive and socially inclusive Ireland.

However, in the jaundiced eyes of Ulster Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey, the all-island concept is based on a false premise and has the potential to poison relations between the two parts of the island just “when progress was being made.”

Denouncing the inter-government depiction of a combined economy, the leader of moderate unionism was quick to accuse Northern Secretary Peter Hain and Foreign Minister Dermot Ahern of side-stepping the Good Friday Agreement.

In a blistering assault on the plan, the former Economy Minister claimed it would emasculate the North’s business and commercial agency, Invest Northern Ireland.

With local elections looming in the North, such posturing was entirely predictable. Especially as the high moral ground of unionism had already been taken by the Rev Ian Paisley in forcing the postponement of talks involving party leaders over the interpretation of the ministerial oath of office at Stormont.

In a bid to regain ground, Mr Empey aimed a broadside at Dr Paisley’s DUP, claiming that in trying to unpick the eight-year-old Good Friday deal, they had allowed the Irish Government and nationalists to go far beyond what was originally intended.

The concept of a shared economic blueprint was foreshadowed during the recent talks at St Andrews in Scotland where British Prime Minister Tony Blair and Taoiseach Bertie Ahern headed negotiations calculated to get the North’s shaky political process back on more solid ground.

An essential element of the complex jigsaw currently taking shape, the economic plan will put flesh on the bones of cross-border co-operation.

If these tortuous plans work out, political figures from opposite ends of the political, religious and social spectra will be joined in an unlikely marriage of convenience.

Given the strength of the Republic’s burgeoning economy, Mr Empey acknowledges and supports the case for co-operation in business and trade. Yet, symbolising the quintessential nature of entrenched unionism, he insists the Northern Ireland’s economy is part of the UK economy.

As he sees it, the blueprint document “seems to be intent on turning the Northern Ireland economy from being a region of the UK into a region on the island of Ireland”.

On a broader canvas, the plan envisages such initiatives as cross border trade missions abroad, joined-up planning and delivery on key infrastructure, including transport, energy and telecommunications, plus an all-island approach to forecasting labour market needs, identifying skills gaps and agreeing on ways to address them.

Crucially, in their bid to stimulate cross-border co-operation the two governments will wrap the 10-year economic package in a €100 million financial sweetener.

While the new plan will appeal to many citizens and businessmen between Belfast and Ballybunion, the big challenge will be to sell the visionary all-island concept to the Empeys and Paisleys who people the benighted world of unionist politics.