SF had stretched our credulity long before the Donaldson spy story

“A STRAIGHT arrow guy,” is how one veteran US Sinn Féin sympathiser, Maureen McCullogh, continues to describe Denis Donaldson, the central figure in what must rank as Ireland’s most unusual spy story.

Ms McCullogh seems intent on perpetuating one of our most beloved stereotypes that of the gullible Yank. Super spy or double agent, Donaldson is hardly a straight arrow guy.

To discover that one of its most senior figures was in fact an MI5 spy has to be a major shock for the Sinn Féin leadership. Gerry Adams may deny that Donaldson was at leadership level in his organisation, but Donaldson was head of administration at Sinn Féin's Stormont offices and one of the Republican movement's key "fixers" at international level. He was a big fish.

But rather than acknowledge its humiliation, Sinn Féin is milking this situation for all the political capital that it's worth. According to Adams and McGuinness, this proves that allegations of Sinn Féin spying were a lie all along. Hasn't a former British agent just admitted as much?

Maybe. But let's examine what we know already. In March 2002, the Castlereagh headquarters of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) was raided by suspected members of the IRA. The documents taken included the code names for Special Branch officers and possible identities of IRA informants. Sinn Féin vigorously denies that the IRA was involved.

In October of the same year, PSNI officers, following on from their enquiries into the raid on Castlereagh, raided the Stormont offices of Sinn Féin, suspecting that there was a spy ring within the party. Within days, the Stormont government had collapsed, after Unionist parties pulled out. Sinn Féin again denied the charges, alleging nefarious behaviour by "securocrats" who wanted the peace process to fail. But in 2004, Police Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan ruled that the raid was not "politically motivated".

Four people, including Donaldson, were arrested on charges of possessing documents likely to be of use to terrorists.

And then, just three weeks ago, the charges against Donaldson and his co-defendants were dramatically dropped. The Director of Public Prosecutions said that "it was no longer in the public interest" to proceed with the case. Outraged Unionist politicians demanded answers. The SDLP, having met with British Attorney General Sir Peter Goldsmith, emerged satisfied that the charges were not dropped due to lack of evidence.

That was what we knew before Donaldson's dramatic revelation. But where does his testimony leave us?

His short statement denying that there was ever a Sinn Féin spying ring, alleging that it was all a Special Branch scam, appears to vindicate the contention by Adams et al that securocrats are targeting them in order to destroy the peace process.

But this version of events poses some serious questions. Why did Donaldson issue that curious statement two weeks ago? As a British agent who had been rumbled, why did he not simply disappear? Furthermore, it seems clear that Donaldson was in possession of sensitive documents. Why would MI5 or Special Branch give him such documents, when they were in the business of getting information from him, not giving it to him? The raid on Castlereagh, which seems to have been forgotten about in the commotion about "Stormontgate" was carried out by somebody. If it wasn't the IRA, who was it? Who else would have use for such sensitive and potentially dangerous information? And who else had the means? Apparently, Sinn Féin now wants us to believe that Donaldson concocted that operation also.

THE British government also has questions to answer. While it is understandable that the British want to protect any other agents they have in the field, there must be some form of investigation. Confidence in the peace process can't be restored without trust, and trust has been sorely damaged by this episode.

To assume that this is all the latest example of British dirty tricks is to ignore the extent to which Sinn Féin has benefited from the situation.

Since the collapse of the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement, Sinn Féin, far from suffering politically, has been steadily gaining electoral strength, both North and South. Their main Nationalist rivals in the North, the SDLP, have suffered dwindling fortunes. Nor was this success unforeseen. Political crisis seems to suit Sinn Féin. However, they insist that they remain determined to make the agreement work, and they continually stress their commitment to the peace process.

Perhaps we should take them at their word. The fact remains, however, that it took two major PR disasters the murder of Robert McCartney and the Northern Bank Robbery to secure the final acts of decommissioning and an announcement that the IRA was standing down. Sinn Féin denied IRA involvement in the McCartney and Northern Bank affairs. Furthermore, they still refuse to engage with the Policing Board, thereby undermining its effectiveness.

Not only has Sinn Féin denied impropriety in the North, it consistently denies any skullduggery in this jurisdiction. In 2002, Dublin Sinn Féin member Niall Binéad (aka Niall Bennett) was found to be in possession of notes detailing the names, addresses and movements of many politicians in the Republic. He was later convicted of membership of an illegal organisation, the IRA. Sinn Féin denied any wrongdoing.

The Colombia Three; the Northern Bank robbery; allegations of serious criminality, including smuggling the list goes on, and Sinn Féin's response is always the same: We have no case to answer.

That's fine, as far as it goes. One hardly expects them to come out with their hands up, wearing sackcloth and ashes, admitting guilt and begging forgiveness. It's not their style. But at what point do we admit that there's no smoke without fire? Credible and well-regarded people including Nuala O'Loan, Bertie Ahern and Mark Durkan have alleged that Sinn Féin are engaged in serious wrongdoing, whether it be spying or criminality. At what point do we start believing them and start doubting Sinn Féin's bona fides? Of course, some of these figures have a vested interest in undermining Sinn Féin politically. But Sinn Féin also operates in the political world. At what point does its credibility come into question because of its own vested interests?

It is almost 10 years since the Good Friday Agreement seemed to usher in a new dawn of peace in the North. Huge majorities on both parts of the island voted for change and an end to violence. Progress has been made. We no longer wake up to the dread news of yet another police officer or teenager being senselessly killed. Sinn Féin deserves some credit for bringing us here. But it's time their leadership took its share of the responsibility for taking the steps necessary for bringing us the rest of the way. Signing up for the Policing Board would be a start. Ending any involvement in covert information-gathering would help too.

Maureen McCullogh, Donaldson's US friend says the full story behind these bizarre events won't emerge "for another 50 years". No doubt Sinn Féin is entertaining the same hope.