Irish Examiner view: Drug diversion scheme is overdue and flawed but still welcome

Gardaí can now give someone caught in possession of drugs for personal use the option of a health intervention instead of being charged and brought before the courts

The scheme has been criticised on the basis that it is limited to first-time offences, which clearly narrows its scope. Other concerns relate to its implementation. Stock picture: Alamy

At first glance, the news of Ireland’s first diversion scheme for drug possession looks very positive. When it comes into effect today, it means that gardaí can give someone caught in possession of drugs for personal use the option of getting a health intervention instead of being charged and brought before the courts; it has been described as a landmark in the State’s approach to drug abuse.

The scheme has already been criticised on the basis that it is limited to first-time offences, which clearly narrows its scope, while other concerns relate to its implementation.

It was first recommended by an expert committee as long ago as July 2019, which means it has taken over seven years to be put into practice. This has been linked to delays within An Garda Síochána, various government departments, and the Director of Public Prosecutions.

A gap of seven years between recommendation and implementation is hugely disappointing. It is certainly no indication of seriousness or intent when it comes to tackling the drug problem.

Even now, rank-and-file gardaí and their supervisors, who will have to operate the scheme, have not been provided with specific training as how to do so; instructions were due to be issued to members of the force last night. This seems particularly unsatisfactory given that the force has had, as noted, seven years’ notice that the scheme was going to be introduced.

The measure is in place for a one-year trial period, which is somewhat reminiscent of the slow rollout of safe injection facilities — a service so far confined to one Dublin project until such time as a report on its effectiveness is completed.

Those objections should not obscure the fact that the diversion scheme has the potential to help those using drugs, to free up garda capacity, and to see some common sense being exercised in a challenging area of Irish life.

It is just a pity it has taken so long to be put into practice.

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Personal investment scheme

Finance minster Simon Harris has unveiled a new Government scheme which aims to encourage people to invest in bonds and shares by offering a simpler and more accessible way to do so.

Mr Harris said that while Irish people “...are good at saving, we have comparatively low levels of direct retail investment and as such people are not getting the benefits of greater returns”.

He said: “For people who decide that investing is right for them, I want to make sure they have a simple and accessible way to do so.”

There is also a significant incentive to investing. The scheme centres on a new investment account which will be available to Irish tax-resident individuals, with one account permitted per person.

The account will have a tax-free threshold — a low flat rate of tax will apply to the value of the account above that threshold, but where the value of the account is below this threshold there will be no tax at all.

This is certainly a promising venture, even if the public reaction seems lukewarm. 

A survey earlier this year carried out by Financial Services Ireland suggested that just over one in five Irish adults expressed an interest in using any such investment vehicle. Perhaps the other four in five have wistful memories of a previous government scheme — the Special Savings Incentive Account (SSIA) of the early years of the 21st century.

Readers may recall the powerful enticement to take up an SSIA — for every €4 invested by the account holder, the government added another €1. The very definition of free money, the SSIA makes the new scheme look practically miserly in comparison, but the latter still appears to be a worthwhile attempt to get people to put their money to work by investing in bonds and shares.

Investment in cryptocurrency is banned under the terms of the scheme, which suggests harsh lessons about dubious investments during the Celtic tiger years have been taken to heart.

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Could Canada join the EU?

Voters in Iceland have rejected a proposal to reopen EU membership talks — 52.8% of ballots cast opposed reopening negotiations with Brussels, while 47.2% were in favour.

There may be a far more obvious candidate for EU membership, however, one which is in a trade war with its neighbour and which has obvious social and political links with Europe: Canada. 

An opinion poll in that country last March found that almost half of Canadians would favour membership of the EU, with only a quarter actively opposed to the idea.

On closer inspection, there are other, more unexpected links: Canada shares a land border with the EU, even if that is no more than a track 1km long on an Arctic island shared by Greenland — which is Danish — and the Canadian region of Nunavut.

Next year, Canada is also expected to enter the Eurovision Song Contest.

Despite the poll last March, this is clearly a remote prospect, more an academic thought exercise than a road map for the future.

However, the deterioration of US-Canada relations may encourage the latter country to seek allies elsewhere. Certainly Canadian prime minister Mark Carney’s support for the Mayo footballers suggests a mindset comfortable looking east across the Atlantic.

As with all remote political prospects, one obvious comparison can be made. Is it as remote as the idea of Brexit was before that came true?