The legacy of the IRA lives on as Adams says ‘Slab’ treated unfairly

JUST like the American gangster Al Capone, Thomas ‘Slab’ Murphy was finally brought to book last week on tax evasion charges.

There was little sympathy for the former head of the IRA who ruled parts of South Armagh known as ‘Bandit Country’ like it was his own personal fiefdom.

However, Gerry Adams has proven to be the exception.

In a statement distributed on social media at the weekend, the Sinn Féin leader said Murphy had been treated “unfairly” following his conviction by the non-jury Special Criminal Court. “All citizens have a right to be judged by a jury of their peers,” he said, pointing out that other people — among them TDs — on trial for tax offences did not have their cases heard in the Special Criminal Court.

That is true and, on the face of it, it appears to be a reasonable point to make that special courts, established in the 1970s to ensure those engaged in terrorism could be prosecuted without the law being subverted by jury intimidation, have no business dealing with taxation offences.

But it totally ignores the context that makes Slab Murphy’s case different. First of all, the investigation that resulted in the conviction was lead by the Criminal Assets Bureau, a service not known for dealing with taxation matters. Most people accused of such offences would be expected to go through the normal process of trial by jury.

Slab Murphy is not most people. It is worth recalling what led to the criminal case in the first place. On March 9, 2006, police, soldiers, and customs officials from both sides of the border launched a dawn raid on Murphy’s farm. A fleet of tankers, computers, documents, two shotguns, more than 30,000 cigarettes and the equivalent of €800,000 in sterling and euro bank notes and cheques were seized. Four fuel laundering facilities were also found.

Mr Adams’ latest intervention in support of Murphy echoes a public statement he made following the March 2006 raids. Responding to allegations of the IRA’s continued presence in South Armagh, Adams said: “Tom Murphy is not a criminal. He’s a good republican.” When Mr Adams described Murphy as a ‘good republican’ who was not involved in criminal activity did he not consider what diesel laundering devices, guns and sterling were doing on his farm?

Mr Adams may feel he owes the former IRA man for his support of the peace process. It was undoubtedly important for Sinn Féin negotiators at the time but we are now almost 18 years on from the Good Friday Agreement and, while the IRA as a coherent organisation may have gone away, certain elements within it clearly have not.

Like business people, many former murderers and terrorists have used their skills acquired during the so-called ‘armed struggle’ and diversified into other areas of criminality, including robbery, gangsterism, racketeering, extortion and smuggling as well as money and fuel laundering.

Mr Adams’ intervention also shows how Sinn Féin politics continues to be dominated by events in Northern Ireland.

The IRA may have gone away but its legacy lives on.