Fifty years of failure: Time to end the discredited war on drugs

Three former world leaders welcome Joe Biden's initiative on drugs — and appeal to the US administration to champion a similar shift toward harm-reduction policies worldwide
Fifty years of failure: Time to end the discredited war on drugs

END OF THE ROAD: Drug paraphernalia on the streets at 'our' end of the global narcotics trade: The unwinnable 'war on drugs' enriches crime gangs, and incentivises them to engage in violence, human trafficking, and other crime and rights violations. Picture: iStock

Fifty years ago this week, US president Richard Nixon declared that drug abuse was “public enemy number one” requiring a “tough on crime” approach in the United States and abroad. 

The “war on drugs", which expanded in parallel with the global political, military, economic, and cultural hegemony of the US in the decades after the Second World War, has delivered the exact opposite of its own stated aims. 

Today, we have both plant-based and synthetic production; low-scale and high-level trafficking of illicit narcotics; disproportionate sentencing and over-incarceration; violence and rights violations; and money laundering and enrichment of organised crime — all strengthened, not weakened, by repressive responses to illegal drugs.

LAW AND DISORDER: Richard Nixon photographed in April 1974 in the midst of the Watergate scandal. Three years previously, on June 18, 1971, the then US president declared the 'war on drugs' which has grown to dominate international policy responses to the narcotics menace. Picture: AP Photo/File
LAW AND DISORDER: Richard Nixon photographed in April 1974 in the midst of the Watergate scandal. Three years previously, on June 18, 1971, the then US president declared the 'war on drugs' which has grown to dominate international policy responses to the narcotics menace. Picture: AP Photo/File

Since 1971, every US administration has reaffirmed the war on drugs approach. This policy choice has become so culturally, socially, and politically embedded in societies that political leaders feel constrained not to change it. 

In 2018, US president Donald Trump’s administration sought to re-energise the war on drugs by hosting a global call to action at the United Nations General Assembly. This diplomatic display, which lasted 15 minutes, highlighted the end of the prohibition consensus: A number of countries, including Germany and New Zealand, refused to endorse it.

Until now, there has been scant support for lifesaving and cost-effective harm-reduction services among US policymakers. 

These services are concerned with reducing the health and economic costs of problematic drug use. 

By providing a clean needle to a person who injects drugs, public policy accepts that that person will engage in an illegal activity, but also that the higher priority is to ensure that the person does not die of an overdose, become infected, transmit HIV or hepatitis, or resort to petty crime to buy drugs and drug paraphernalia.

TALKING THERAPY: Advocates of harm reduction say a suite of initiatives — from the provision of needles for active users, through to offering therapies for recovering addicts — would deliver far more positive outcomes than the failed 'war on drugs'. Picture: iStock
TALKING THERAPY: Advocates of harm reduction say a suite of initiatives — from the provision of needles for active users, through to offering therapies for recovering addicts — would deliver far more positive outcomes than the failed 'war on drugs'. Picture: iStock

Harm-reduction services are needed now more than ever. 

This year, US president Joe Biden’s administration unveiled a surprisingly bold drug policy initiative that emphasises expanding treatment and harm reduction. By committing to an evidence-based, public-health approach, Biden is signalling that the strategies of repression and punishment have failed.

The Biden administration’s emphasis on “evidence-based harm-reduction efforts” is a radical departure from the drug-war approach. 

These efforts embrace a series of effective and evidence-backed health services — the distribution of medications to reverse the effects of opioid overdoses and of sterile injecting equipment, complemented with HIV and hepatitis C testing. 

In an unparalleled move, the US government will also invest $30m in harm-reduction services as part of the American Rescue Plan.

These new policy approaches are also aligned with a range of state and city-level efforts to address the overdose crisis. In the last few years, cities as diverse as Philadelphia, Ithaca, Seattle, Santa Fe, and Atlanta have been exploring more balanced policy between repression of, and support for, illicit drug users, similar to the four-pillar drug strategy in Vancouver, which in turn was inspired by local and national European policies.

HI-TECH BATTLE: Police in Europe have struggled to cope with the ingenuity and sophistication of the drugs trade — including this instance in 2019 when the Guardia Civil in Spain recovered a 20m drone submarine used to transport narcotics from South America to Aldan, northwestern Spain. Picture: Lalo R Villar/AFP
HI-TECH BATTLE: Police in Europe have struggled to cope with the ingenuity and sophistication of the drugs trade — including this instance in 2019 when the Guardia Civil in Spain recovered a 20m drone submarine used to transport narcotics from South America to Aldan, northwestern Spain. Picture: Lalo R Villar/AFP

But now that the Biden administration is changing drug policy for the better, one hopes that the US will champion a shift to harm-reduction policies internationally. In the last decade, the national and international funding of these services has contracted, covering a mere 5% of the estimated global need. More attention should be paid to the experiences of countries such as Switzerland, which massively invested in harm reduction and reduced both the size of its drug-injecting population and the rate of HIV transmission.

Sadly, countries where harm-reduction services are either limited or banned outright are the leaders and drivers of the global spread of hepatitis, tuberculosis, and HIV. Just as the United States is one of the largest worldwide contributors to the treatment and prevention of HIV/AIDS, America must now help steer the world away from failed repressive drug strategies.

The two issues are closely connected. The US has invested $85 billion in the global HIV/AIDS response since 2003, saving many millions of lives. But drug policy, too, must change if we are to remove HIV as a global public health threat. As long as people who use drugs engage in dangerous modes of consumption — such as repeatedly sharing needles because they have no access to harm-reduction services, or because they don’t want to use these services in fear of legal sanctions — HIV will continue to stalk our societies.

The US has led the world into the war on drugs, and now America must help lead us out of it. The war on drugs does not and cannot reduce harm. It fuels negative and perhaps unintended consequences, and it is outdated in the face of new challenges and threats. 

Fifty years of failure is enough. Now is the time for the US to lead the world toward humane, people-centered, and evidence-based drug policy for the 21st century.

• The co-authors of this article are members of the Global Commission on Drug Policy — former prime minister of New Zealand, Helen Clark, former president of Chile, Ricardo Lagos, and former president of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo.

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