McDowell could start a row in an empty room but he’ll be a big loss

McDowell talked emotively about his love of country, which he had demonstrated by his involvement in politics at considerable cost to himself.

It is not that he was badly paid, but he was at the height of his earning power in a lucrative profession and could have earned much more at the Bar

THERE is a saying in Leinster House that nobody ever talked their way into the Dáil, but many people have talked their way out. Some people were re-elected last week who hardly said a word in the chamber over the past five years, but Michael McDowell undoubtedly said too much and offended too many people.

Some were particularly critical of the way he announced his retirement from politics in what was depicted as a fit of pique over his defeat. He did not even notify those who elected him leader of the PDs.

In a sense it was reminiscent of Richard Nixon famously telling a press conference after one his early defeats they would not have “Dick Nixon to kick around anymore.”

McDowell was obviously devastated by his defeat. It was the third time he lost his Dáil seat in 20 years. He clearly felt his political career was over, and he said so.

People complain that politicians don’t tell the truth, but when he did so, some criticised him. He talked emotively about his love of country, which he had demonstrated by his involvement in politics at considerable cost to himself.

It was not that he was badly paid, but he was at the height of his earning power in a lucrative profession and could have earned much more at the Bar. He chose public service, and he deserves credit for that patriotism.

Sinn Féin supporters heckled him and gloated at his defeat, but he probably did more than anyone to reverse the tide of support that was confidently predicted for that party while undoubtedly making a significant contribution to what is being depicted as a Fianna Fáil victory.

If SF had gained three seats, instead of losing one, those would have been primarily at the expense of FF. If they had taken the expected two seats in Donegal, those would have been at the expense of FF. Seán Crowe lost his seat in Dublin to Charlie O’Connor of FF, while Dessie Ellis could have taken a seat from FF or Labour.

If FF had won three or four seats fewer, SF would undoubtedly have come into the reckoning, if only by putting extra pressure on Labour to consider a coalition with Bertie “in the national interest”.

It may be too early yet to assess McDowell’s overall role in government. He introduced a considerable amount of legislation, some of it very complex. If for nothing else, he deserves enormous credit for introducing random breath testing which has already probably saved more lives than any other piece of legislation. After losing his Dáil seat in 1989 he exerted enormous influence within Leinster House as PD national chairman.

McDowell was a driving force behind the dismissal of the late Brian Lenihan as Tánaiste and Minister for Defence over apparent lying, and he was a force in securing the withdrawal of Jim McDaid’s nomination as Minister for Defence because he allowed himself to be photographed rejoicing with the Provos.

The ultimate coup de grace was the resignation of Charles Haughey as Taoiseach over phone tapping.

Of course, none of those things could have been done without the approval of Des O’Malley. McDowell played a crucial role in the election of Mary Robinson as President. It was he who took on Pádraig Flynn over his shoddy attack during an RTÉ interview.

Flynn had ridiculed Robinson’s sense of family values with a snide insinuation that she had had some marital problems. McDowell responded with a blistering lecture that not only silenced the garrulous Flynn but also destroyed Lenihan’s chances of winning the presidency.

He ruffled many feathers among the elected deputies within Leinster House by exerting his powerful influence from outside the Dáil. He enjoyed more influence than any of the FF backbenchers and even some members of the Government itself.

The PDs were the first minor partner in any coalition to gain seats at the following general election. They actually gained four seats after walking out and bringing down Albert Reynolds’ government in 1992. Back in the Dáil, McDowell savaged the Taoiseach over £1.1 million invested in his C&D Foods by Rashid Al Masri, who had obtained Irish passports for himself, his wife and son.

“Lest I be misunderstood, I am referring to the Taoiseach”, McDowell told the Dáil. “His family firm was enriched by £1.1 million in exchange for citizenship”.

McDowell depicted this country as a “kind of squalid little banana republic with a Papa Doc Duvalier regime”.

When Tánaiste Dick Spring told the Dáil he had examined the files and found them in order, McDowell accused him of being “morally brain dead.” McDowell raised the temperature so much that Spring and Reynolds were soon at each other’s throats over the appointment of Harry Whelehan as High Court president.

“Dick went to the wall for Albert on passports”, observed the government press secretary Seán Duignan. “Albert showed his appreciation by kicking Dick in the balls”. That government collapsed in a welter of mistrust and recrimination. At the following general election in 1997, McDowell lost his seat again. At that point he announced that he was going to allow his PD membership to lapse because the party stood for nothing.

MARY HARNEY defiantly proclaimed that the electorate alone would decide the future of the PDs. “We must convince them that our policies are best able to tackle the problems of this country”, she said. “We must convince them that we have the courage to investigate wrongdoing at the highest levels”.

McDowell was brought into government as Attorney General. In the 2002 general election he rescued the PDs by skilfully arguing that FF should not be trusted with an overall majority. This seemed to strike the right note with the electorate because the PDs increased seats, and for the first time in our history a coalition government was actually re-elected.

Ironically, McDowell never managed to win two elections in a row probably because he had a tendency to come across as arrogant, insufferable, intemperate and intolerant of views other than his own. But he was never dull.

He absurdly compared Richard Bruton to Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi propaganda minister, but he graciously apologised for that gaffe. He plumbed the depths of insensitivity when he said that going to tell the widow of Jerry McCabe of the release of her husband’s killers would be “one of the happiest journeys I would have to make in my life”.

McDowell could start an argument in an empty room. He had squabbles with the gardaí, prison officers, judiciary, legal colleagues, the opposition, his partners in government, and even with his own party. He essentially pushed Mary Harney aside to gain the leadership last year.

He made enemies easily, but he can be particularly proud of many of them. He was as courageous as he was outspoken. Maybe he’ll now be richer, but Irish political life will be the poorer without him.