Don’t hold your breath if you expect the promises to be fulfilled
DOES ANYONE care now what the parties promised? The election is over and the promises are about as meaningful as the old campaign posters.
People argue about whether the “Payback Time” editorial on the front page of the Irish Independent on election day 1997 really made a difference. It called on people to vote against the Rainbow Coalition. Most of the media probably do not think it had any impact on the outcome. It is usually only the politicians who think that voters are really influenced by pundits.
Among the things that stand out in this election are Vincent Browne’s cross questioning of Bertie Ahern and Brian Dobson’s interview on the early evening news on Monday. But the history books may well attach greater influence to matters that were strictly outside the campaign, such as the formation of the power-sharing government at Stormont, Ian Paisley’s visit to the Boyne and Bertie at Westminster.
The Taoiseach handled those ceremonies with aplomb. If Bertie makes it three in a row, those outside factors may well loom large as the explanation for an extraordinary turnaround during the campaign.
The Fianna Fáil campaign certainly got off to a slow start, largely due to Vincent Browne’s dogged questioning. Michael
McDowell then took temporary fright over the unanswered questions, which made things even more difficult for the Soldiers of Destiny.
The Taoiseach got a boost from the television debate with Enda Kenny.
Fianna Fáil accused Fine Gael of resorting to smear politics, but people may yet conclude that Enda would have fared better if he went for the jugular instead of being “Mr Nice Guy”.
Brian Dobson did a much more effective job in questioning Bertie last Monday night when he brought up matters like the confusion among ministers about the cost of co-location of public and private hospitals, or the promises made to people suffering from cystic fibrosis. The Taoiseach acknowledged that the latter “want a centre in Cork and Dublin fully funded”.
Those with cystic fibrosis were promised a national treatment centre 10 years ago, before the current coalition came to power for the first time, but they are still waiting.
“Will they get that?” asked Dobson.
“Well it’s listed,” the Taoiseach replied.
“Where is the provision?”
“In the National Development Plan.”
The cystic fibrosis people told Brian that they can’t find any mention of it in the plan.
“In actual fact I wrote a letter, which I signed in my own name,” explained Bertie.
“They can’t find it in the plan,” insisted Dobson.
“I spelt it out to them that it was in the National Development Plan,” maintained the Taoiseach.
“It is there but not specified.”
It is “listed” but not “specified,” parse that bit of Bertie-speak!
The government has allocated more than 7 million towards hiring staff to deal with cystic fibrosis.
The Health Service Executive recommended the hiring of 56 specialists, 12 consultants, 10 physiotherapists, eight nurses, three social workers and two pulmonary technicians. On those 91, only 11 have been hired, because even though the money had been allocated since 2005, there is an embargo on the hospitals hiring additional staff.
Thanks to this government in general, and Micheál Martin in particular, there is gross overstaffing in the HSE because all of those people were assured of their jobs when the regional health boards were abolished. Now, because there are so many in administration, there is an embargo on the employment of much-needed medical staff. The paper pushers are replacing the medical experts. Some twit probably thinks that saves money.
In the mid 1970s Fine Gael and Labour tried to pull a stroke when Jim Tully reorganised the constituencies so that the coalition would be virtually assured of retaining power. Fianna Fáil responded with the 1977 manifesto, the greatest confidence trick ever perpetrated on the electorate.
As a result the coalition stunt backfired badly, and Fianna Fáil ended up with the largest majority in history. Of course, it was rough justice for the cream of a generation who were compelled to emigrate during the 1980s.
Many people take it for granted that politicians lie, but I would rather think that most aim to do what they promise but then that they have to change their minds due to circumstances. There have been some dramatic examples of politicians whose careers were destroyed after they were exposed as having lied, such as Jack Profumo who was forced to resign in Britain in 1963, not because he was consorting with call girls, but because he lied about it. Richard Nixon was essentially forced out because he lied about Watergate. Senior members of his party warned him that they would vote for a conviction at his impeachment trial because he had clearly betrayed the democratic trust by lying to the people on television. Nixon recognised that he was doomed and resigned as president.
In this country two taoisigh were forced to step down without an election, because they were perceived to have misled the Dáil. Of course, Albert Reynolds claims that he was misled himself by somebody within Fianna Fáil withholding the information from him. Two years earlier Charlie Haughey was forced to step down when Seán Doherty accused him of having lied about having no knowledge of the telephone tapping of Geraldine Kennedy and Bruce Arnold almost 10 years earlier.
DO WE think now that deceit should be just ignored? The biggest confidence trick in any general election of the past quarter of a century was played this week. It was the Fianna Fáil election advertisement headed: “Don’t wait until after the election to find out who delivers.”
It showed a photograph of Bertie over the caption: “97% will benefit from Fianna Fáil Tax Cuts” and a photo of Enda Kenny with the caption “3% will benefit from Fine Gael Tax Cuts.”
Brian Dobson questioned the Taoiseach about the figure that a mere 3% would benefit from Fine Gael’s tax cuts.
“They are proposing to cut the standard rate of tax by 2% to 18%,” said Brian.
“You are a former Minister for Finance, how many taxpayers would benefit from that?”
“About two million taxpayers,” the Taoiseach replied.
“They would benefit from a cut in the standard rate, would they?” asked Brian.
“Everyone would benefit,” replied Bertie.
The allegation that only the richest 3% would benefit from the Fine Gael proposal was therefore a gross distortion, because all income taxpayers would benefit. Bertie may have had little to do with the ad, but when given the chance to disassociate himself from the distortion, he tried to defend the indefensible.
“The point of the 3% is that they would gain most under the Fine Gael proposals,” he said. Of course, the national newspapers that all carried the ad were equally guilty for publishing the distortion. It was much more than publishing promises that might turn out to be false; this was basically false advertising. Henceforth the press should be much more careful about the political adverts that it publishes.
It may have had very little impact on voters on this occasion, but such behaviour does pose a fundamental threat to democracy, because any leader who seeks to lead by misleading is not fit to lead.




