Adams devolution plans 'vague', says SDLP member

Gerry Adams has put forward only “vague proposals” about what the Irish and British governments should do if a deal to restore devolution at Stormont fails, a member of the SDLP claimed today.

Following the Sinn Féin leader’s claim in New York last night that the governments should be prepared to move without the unionists, SDLP negotiator Sean Farren said it appeared to be dawning on Sinn Féin that the Rev Ian Paisley’s party was not up for a deal.

The North Antrim Assembly member said: “After spending months spinning that the Democratic Unionist Party was up for a deal, the penny now seems to have dropped with Sinn Féin that they do not seem to be. That is why Sinn Féin, like ourselves, are right to be looking at how we can be getting as much of the Agreement now as we can.

“But Gerry Adams’ vague proposals for power-sharing by the governments does not take us very far. He explains that it means more North-South cooperation but what it does not seem to involve is an end to Direct Rule ministers, an end to suspension, and it does not seem to involve people here having any real say in how government is run.”

In September, Tony Blair emerged from the Leeds Castle talks in Kent believing the IRA was prepared to undertake groundbreaking moves on disarmament and regarding its future activity.

These were seen as being key to restoring devolution in the North.

But the governments' hopes that the DUP may share power with Sinn Féin have been frustrated by a row over the future operation of the Assembly and multi-party executive.

The DUP has been pressing for devolved ministers to be more accountable to their Cabinet colleagues and to the Assembly.

Sinn Féin and the SDLP have interpreted this as an attempt to secure a veto over the work of other parties’ ministers.

Mr Adams told a Friends of Sinn Féin dinner last night the DUP appeared not to be up for a deal unless it was on their own terms.

The West Belfast MP said the time had come for London and Dublin to make a judgment call, coming up with their own proposals for breaking the deadlock.

He said the governments should also be prepared to move on without the DUP if they were not up for a deal, dissolving the Assembly.

“It’s not just parties who can share power – governments can share power also,” he argued. “The British and Irish governments must look to formal institutionalised power-sharing at governmental level.

“The structures already established under the Agreement, around issues as diverse as health and education, tourism and investment, energy and waterways must be built on and expanded.

“These include the existing (cross-border) implementation bodies, as well as the areas of co-operation.

“Greater effort and emphasis must go into co-ordinating our human and economic resources to entrench and strengthen the co-operative and partnership nature of the Agreement. For example, economic co-operation and joint planning and an all-Ireland investment programme could be planned on a joint Ministerial basis.

“And there are many good reasons for the governments to go ahead with the All-Ireland Consultative Civic Forum and the All-Ireland Charter of Human Rights.

“Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair have to send a clear message to the rejectionists, and to all those who would frustrate the work of the peace process, that there is going to be a substantial and significant investment of effort and resources into powersharing by the governments to bring about the full implementation of the Agreement.”

Mr Farren said his party had better proposals for ending the suspension of devolution and getting the Agreement moving.

The former Stormont Finance Minister, whose party has proposed that the Assembly be reconvened while government departments are run by a team of commissioners, said the SDLP’s proposals went further than Sinn Fein’s.

“They would end suspension,” he said. "They would send the Direct Rulers packing and they would get Assembly members back doing the job they were paid to do.

“The only difference would be that instead of having elected politicians as ministers, the British and Irish governments, acting jointly, would appoint people from civic society to act as ministers which would give the Irish Government an equal say.”