Letters to the Editor: Commendation to those who serve
Irish UN soldiers from the Jadotville siege.
From early morning on June 6, I have watched the poignant ceremonies from Normandy, honouring those who died for our freedom on the beaches and on fields of France, 80 years ago.
I wiped away a tear for their bravery, and indeed for the bravery of the the many civilians who died. I marvelled at the heroism of these veterans, and the hundreds of thousands who died for our freedom throughout the five years of slaughter in Europe, while we sat on the fence.
Many Irish fought and died in this war too, and were rightly honoured by their adopted countries.
The tear I shed was also one of anger, that we here in Ireland, with a history of occupation, belittle those who wear the uniform of our country, and the blue of the United Nations in far-flung fields.
What is the problem with our psyche? Particularly the psyche of our politicians, civil servants and even some of higher echelons of military brass, when it comes to awarding medals to those who deserve them, having been recommended for their bravery and heroism by their commanding officers in the field of combat, and yet 60 years later the wonderful men of Jadotville go to their graves â not just without a medal for gallantry and heroism, which they richly deserve â but even belittled in death by small-minded politicians and bureaucrats.
Pat Quinlan brought all his 155 men home alive, despite the best efforts of two Irish senior officers â then based in the Congo â who did everything in their power to ensure that Quinlan and his men would never leave Jadotville alive; to families who have suffered since at the disgraceful and cowardly hands of our âso-called eliteâ who have nothing to offer for their lives in âservice to themselvesâ.
We obviously have a serious psychological problem in this country, not merely by underpaying and under valuing the wonderful men and women who have served this country loyally in our Defence Forces, at home and abroad, but the treatment of the Jadotville heroes by âour ownâ has smeared the countryâs reputation among the nations of the free world. Our âeliteâ are hypocrites, and none of them know anything about soldiering, or what it is like to be under fire, particularly while being outnumbered by 20 to one.
I have heard several Government politicians express concern at possibility of Russia having the ability to âvetoâ on Irish military personnel serving with UN peacekeeping operations.
As a staff member of UN peacekeeping operations for more than 30 years, I would suspect this is another example of politicians presenting âfactsâ in a manner suitable to their political objectives.
Of course it is correct that each permanent member of the Security Council has the right of veto. But how often, if ever, has this been exercised in the case of member states contributing military personnel to a UN mission?
Irish personnel are among the best-trained/qualified personnel for UN peacekeeping duties. In addition, they are well respected by all nations.
Ăine NĂ Bhroin (Information on Killester heritage sign leaves a lot to be desired, Letters, June 4) expresses her displeasure at the recently erected British army WWI memorial âheritage signâ erected by Dublin City Council.
I agree with her. Why should the Irish State allow itself to become progressively more involved with the ceremonial of the British legion, a quasi-military organisation that promotes British patriotic nationalism and identification with the British imperial military traditions? We are reminded ad nauseum that the poppy symbolises the sacrifice of millions of lives in defence of small nations and individual freedoms. That freedom didnât include the freedom of this small nation.
For many years, Irish society in the Republic has been accused of failing to honour the memory of those Irish in British uniform who sacrificed their lives in the 1914-1918 war. The State has been accused of suffering from political amnesia and intolerance towards those Irish who fought in British uniform. This is untrue. In 2011 former President Mary McAleese spoke at Suvla Bay commemorating those Irish who died during the invasion of Turkey. Also, in 1998, in an unprecedented act of political ecumenism at Messines Ridge, Mrs McAleese, alongside Queen Elizabeth II, dedicated a peace tower in memory of those from the entire island of Ireland who answered Redmondâs call and never returned. The fact that nationalists give their primary allegiance to those who established the Irish State, not to those who tried to prevent it, does not constitute neglect of those Irish who went away and never returned.
On the contrary, the greatest abusers of those returning soldiers from the Great War were those from the British/unionist establishment. When the Irish people had voted overwhelmingly for independence in 1918 and proclaimed an independent State in 1919, the British sent the Black and Tans and Auxiliaries. While many families in Ireland treasured photographs of their Somme-dead on their walls, men in British Army uniforms were kicking in their front doors as they ruthlessly suppressed the fight for independence. Those Catholics returning north of the border fared just as badly. Few could hope to secure employment as unionists dominated the Catholic community by bigotry and discrimination in jobs, housing and voting rights.
It is entirely proper that public ceremonies be held to commemorate the many thousands of Irish who went away to fight in the Great War and never returned. What is not acceptable is the persistent campaign waged to confer a modern-day respectability upon the British army under the guise of honouring those Irish war dead. This yearly piece of revisionism cannot camouflage the fact that the Great War, supposedly undertaken in defence of small nations, was nothing more than an inter-imperialist conflict.
Last Sunday I travelled via the M8 to Cork for a family function and was making good time until I approached the Jack Lynch Tunnel.
But this was closed due to the Cork City Marathon and traffic, apart from that heading eastwards, was redirected very slowly back up the M8 where it was diverted via Glanmire and onwards through roads not really suited for the volume of vehicles on it.
I appreciate that diversions are necessary with an event such as the marathon, but I cannot fathom why traffic that was heading to the city or westward (which seemed to be the majority of the vehicles) was not diverted before Glanmire? This could readily have been done if motorists were advised, say, at the nearby motorway toll facility, thus easing traffic congestion and causing unnecessary tailbacks. Motorists heading east could have continued as normal.
The avoidable delays that resulted meant I was late reaching my destination and I am sure I am far from being alone. The marathon organisers need to review this weak point in their planning for the event.
Ireland is recognised as a global leader in data hosting and services, with more than 80 data centres of various sizes across the country.
A consistent reliable energy supply is what makes the data services sectors function and an important factor for Ireland to continue to attract this type of foreign direct investment.
Recent press comments have expressed doubts as to the viability of Ireland as being attractive for data centre investments, given the unreliability of the national grid. When will the powers that be in this country understand that one cannot simultaneously rely on massive amounts of wind and sunshine, dispense with fossil fuel-derived energy, and nevertheless tell industry that electricity will definitely be available in the future from wind and solar?
What happens should we get a persistent winter high-pressure system coupled with dense fog? Not to mind that unlike the Nordic countries, we have very limited topographical features for the purposes of hydro power, as indeed Denis Duff highlights in his letter, Germany abandoned nuclear and placed greater reliance on renewables the latter unable to maintain an energy threshold requirement of 50GW, essential for domestic and industrial consumption, despite an expanded network of wind turbines and solar systems.
Consequently, Germany will be unable to depend on renewable energy regardless of how much new capacity will be built.
Ireland must contemplate the adoption of small modular nuclear reactors (SMRs) as a means of electricity generation. SMRs can more readily slot into brownfield sites in place of, for example, existing coal-fired plants, such as Money Point.
SMR development is proceeding in Western countries with private investment. The involvement of these new investors indicates a profound shift taking place from government-led and -funded nuclear research and development to that led by the private sector.
Energy generation from SMRs enables the deployment of affordable clean energy, without carbon dioxide emissions.
The French have been living comfortable with nuclear-derived electrical power for many decades and at a cost affordable by the French industry and domestic sector. As for the rising energy costs in Ireland and despite the claims of renewables being the panacea for all our energy need woes, Ireland will not in the future continue to be an attractive location for major foreign direct investment due to escalating energy costs. Such potential investment will go to countries where there are reliable and consistent energy generation systems and energy costs are considerably cheaper.
Unfortunately, Ireland due to the Electricity Regulation Act 1999 (section 18), is prohibited from electricity production via nuclear fission. Repeal of this act would be a step in the right direction, as otherwise Ireland will lose its competitive edge for foreign direct investment in major IT sectors.
