Letters to the Editor: The real ‘fascism’ we face is weaponised snobbery

One reader writes that terms such as 'far-right', 'fascist', and 'anti-immigration' are flung about interchangeably, and as if they have universally-accepted definitions

Workers clearing debris from a burned-out bus and Luas tram on O'Connell Street in the wake of the violence scenes in Dublin city centre on  Thursday November 23. Picture: Brian Lawless/PA

In the stories of barbarian warrior leaders being converted to Christianity, there is often a part where the convert boasts he would have vanquished Jesus’ enemies had he been present at the time. 

It seems to me that when the trendier “left” constantly invoke modern day “fascist” bogeymen, they are echoing those barbarians — wishing into existence an evil enemy to kill in the name of their new-found saintliness.

“Anti-immigration”, “far-right”, and “fascist” are terms flung about interchangeably, and as if they have a universally accepted definition.

This confusion is facilitated by the prevalence of an infantile Hollywood notion of what fascism is. A notion that — it seems to me — is shared by the self-declared “fascist” vanguard we saw leading Dublin riots and the trendier “left”. In Hollywood fascism, an educated civilised elite resist the evil ignorant masses. Think of Schindler’s List, The Sound of Music, or The Scarlet and the Black — where an industrialist, a retired Admiral, and a Vatican priest battle against the Nazis. In reality, these were the very kind of people most likely to support fascism.

Fascism came from above, not from below. 

Fascism was a reaction against the gains made by the lower orders, through elections and trade union, in the early 20th century. The establishment felt that democracy had gone too far, that the masses were no longer being led by their social superiors — the natural leaders of society. 

Fascism everywhere had the almost undivided support of the entire establishment (small and big business, the army, the police, the judiciary, the professional classes and, especially, the lower middle classes), i.e. the whole of respectable society. It was weaponised snobbery.

It triumphed in almost every Catholic country in Europe at some time, with the full support of the Church. In Germany, it had the enthusiastic support of the Protestant churches. 

Real fascism has nothing in common with modern, tiny, powerless and penniless groups who seem less like dangerous social movements than collections of damaged fetishists.

We are asked to believe that these recent riots were part of a fascist tradition. There probably were a small number of people who have copies of Mein Kampf in their homes, but most of those videoed appeared to be who one would have expected, i.e. inner city youths who probably have never read a political tract in their lives.

The street thuggery that sometimes accompanied fascism’s rise was not the source of its power or the cause of its eventual triumph anywhere. The street fighting was just political theatre. Hitler murdered the leaders of his street fighters immediately after seizing power, lest they upset the millionaires who had financed him since the very beginning of his career. 

The clowns who led the burning of all those vehicles may fantasise that they are following the playbook of the real fascists in the first half of the last century, but they have no understanding at all of the history of fascism. These people are fantasists, posing a policing problem but no political threat at all.

Why does this matter? It matters because hysterical fears of a fascist threat have already been used to justify the importation of water cannons and the use of tasers at demonstrations. These are dangerous weapons that may kill or seriously injure protestors in the future. 

The imaginary threat of fascism may also soon be used to curtail free speech on any divisive topic, effectively closing down democratic debate. Ironically, these changes are being touted by the Fine Gael party — the actual political heirs of our own fascists, the Blueshirts.

Tim O’Halloran, Finglas, Dublin 11 

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Amend the Constitution for the sake of rights

The Irish Examiner is in the forefront of environmental awareness and its readers understand the importance of addressing the existential crisis we face.

In examining the recommendation of the Citizen’s Assembly for a Constitutional amendment to protect the environment, we found that the result of a failure to amend the Constitution is being used by Ireland to resist adopting a critical Article in the European Social Charter signed in 2000.

Ireland opted out of Article 31 which requires signatures “to promote access to housing of an adequate standard; to prevent and reduce homelessness with a view to its gradual elimination; and to make the price of housing accessible to those without adequate resources”.

Since 2000, the number of people experiencing homelessness in Ireland has increased by over 500%. Yet Ireland continues to refuse to accept Article 31, citing “existing provisions in the Irish Constitution”.

In a 2021 review, Ireland wrote that since this “has not changed since the ratification of the Charter” it “cannot be accepted by Ireland. The issue of accepting Article 31 will be re-examined if, and when, the constitutional position changes”. The Government’s reluctance to embed fundamental rights in the Constitution stems from a narrow view of these rights as mere privileges, rather than essential components of a just and equitable society. This perspective has resulted in a fragmented and inadequate approach to upholding the rights of all citizens.

Ireland’s stance on housing highlights the value of a constitutional right to housing — and for the environment. We hope your readers will concur.

Tony Lowes, Friends of the Irish Environment, Eyeries, Co Cork

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No confidence vote a political backfire

The overwhelming defeat, 83-63, of Sinn Féin’s Dáil motion in the no confidence vote of Justice Minister Helen McEntee — and by extension of the Government itself — should serve as a salutary lesson (some chance you say no doubt) to the Opposition party that the public, in general, sees through such political shenanigans.

Furthermore, may I suggest that the public is not easy to fool when it sits back and observes in that party an “air of something of the night” — as British politician Ann Widdecombe observed about Michael Howard, back in 1997 — about them specifically, and in general.

Such an impression is difficult to pin down specifically. But nonetheless, the uneasy — if not uncomfortable feeling — persists.

It’s blatantly obvious at this point that this motion by Sinn Féin has backfired on the party and will continue to do so, as the public sees that what is needed presently: A total unity of all to take this clear and present danger out of our democracy.

Sinn Féin should learn from this fiasco that at times you can accrue more brownie points (and presumably more votes) by rowing with the team, rather than attempting to doing the opposite.

Kevin McCarthy, Gouldavoher, Limerick

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Finding scapegoats is easier than fixing issues

Over the past few days and weeks, I have noticed that there is tendency for more media commentators to find scapegoats for the recent Dublin riots.

I hope you allow me to preface what I say by saying that I was born in the inner-city tenements, back in the 1940s. Later, I lived and worked with black farming communities in the Deep South of America, e.g. Mississippi, Alabama, and Louisiana, for over a decade in the 1980s-90s. I know what racism is and more so what poverty is and what it does to people.

My main point is that by calling people “scum, animals, and feral” it’s all too simplistic and somehow ignores the elephants in the room, so to speak.

Poverty, overcrowding, and the resultant scapegoating of people — be they Dubliners or migrants. In all my 70 plus years, the north inner-city has been deprived of many things that make life liveable. Proper housing, schooling, and employment have been promised to us since the foundation of the State.

Endless promises and so few delivered. The present Government is no different. It is so much easier to scapegoat people, such as Conor McGregor and others, rather than try to respond to the many and varied ways that Irish people have been and continue to let down and, frankly, lied to by the State.

Paddy Reid, Fairview, Dublin 3

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The power is with the drivers

Regarding the issue of the toll fares increasing: The solution is quite simple, just don’t use the toll.

Leave that little bit earlier. You’ll get there on time and less stressed out after your drive.

The power is with the drivers.

Tim Butler, Spur Hill, Cork