Irish Examiner view: Ireland will do its bit in support of Ukraine

However, any debate about neutrality would have a long way to go before Ireland could contemplate a military role

Ukraine's president Volodymyr Zelenskyy receives a standing ovation as he addresses Swedish parliament earlier this week. Picture: Paul Wennerholm/TT News/AP

We must not take umbrage at the comments attributed to Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, about what he perceives as lukewarm support for his decimated country from Ireland.

Zelenskyy, a brave and inspirational leader operating in impossible circumstances, made reference to Ireland as a country that “almost” stands with Ukraine in his video address to 27 European leaders in Brussels. 

He thanked member states one by one, in particular eastern and Baltic allies, saying:

Lithuania stands for us. Latvia stands for us. Estonia stands for us. Poland stands for us. 

But Ireland was among the member states he described as not offering full support. “Ireland — well, almost,” he said, according to a translation of his remarks released by the Kyiv government yesterday. Portugal also fell into the “well, almost” category, while Germany, which has ruled out further immediate energy sanctions because of its domestic dependence on Russian oil and gas, was criticised for dragging its feet.

Mr Zelenskyy said: “Greece, I believe, stands with us. Germany ... a little later.” 

More than anything, Ukraine wants weapons to carry on  the battle in its hours of extremis. It is not going to be given the jet cover it has asked for, nor, as US president Biden has made clear, will there be boots on the ground unless there is a massive escalation by the Putin war machine. 

Ireland has opted to send medical and humanitarian aid, including body armour, but is staying out of a joint €1bn fund for arms supported by other members of the EU.

Remarks play into Ireland's neutrality debate 

The remarks play into the accelerating debate about the place and role of our state in a world which is rapidly re-arming. 

Ireland is a neutral country and does not spend enough on its own defence forces, either in terms of recruitment and retention or in equipment. That argument has a long distance to travel before we can contemplate playing a meaningful role and we should not imagine that there will be significant unanimity behind any decision to do so.

Foreign Affairs Minister Simon Coveney has said Irish troops could take part in the new rapid reaction force (RRF) envisaged as part of the EU’s long-term security and defence needs. We have already had a level of involvement in the development of the so-called EU battle groups, and  the RRF would be an extension of that structure. 

Members of Japan's parliament applaud as Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy addresses them earlier this week. Picture: Behrouz Mehri/AP

Irish involvement would still be dependent on compliance with the “triple lock” which necessitates the approval of the Government, the Dáil, and a UN mandate which can potentially be blocked by a veto from the Security Council, of which both China and Russia are members. 

Controversial actions in former Yugoslavia were taken by Nato; the occupation of Afghanistan was carried out by US-led Nato forces including the UK and Canada. The invasion of Iraq by a coalition of troops from the US, the UK, Australia, and Poland did not have an unequivocal mandate from the UN.

Responses from the UN’s New York headquarters can fall short of the mark, and none more so than from the nation which likes to project itself as the world’s largest democracy.

Taoiseach Micheál Martin called out India for its “moral equivalence”, saying the position taken by the country is “unacceptable, quite frankly”. India, an abstainer in the vote against Russia, has sought to facilitate ways to work around sanctions, including by using currency swaps to enable Russian trade. “Certain countries need to get off the fence on that,” said the Taoiseach.

Mr Martin, who downplayed the comments of Mr Zelenskyy, made it clear we must regard the conflict with Moscow as “long haul”,  with the potential for an even tougher energy crunch next winter. That is as clear a hint as we are going to get that we must prepare for worse.