IRA must not turn back at final fence

THOUGH a straight answer in clear, unambiguous and unequivocal language is still awaited from the IRA on the crucial question of whether it will end all paramilitary activities, there are growing indications the Northern elections will go ahead on May 29 as planned.

In his upbeat remarks, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern made clear that the elusive prize of permanent peace and stability are within a whisker, albeit an important whisker, of being achieved.

Undoubtedly, the efforts of Sinn Féin to clarify the IRA statement and break the latest impasse represent a positive move and should be welcomed as such.

But in the lexicon of Northern politics, every word counts and with the Assembly campaign already under way nothing is straightforward. As already noted, there is a world of difference between "should" and "will" when it comes to the proposition of the IRA ceasing such terrorist activities as knee-capping, punishment beatings, and espionage. In short, all paramilitary activities inconsistent with the Good Friday peace agreement.

There is no longer any doubt about the organisation's commitment to put arms beyond use and end the conflict once and for all. But having come thus far it would be a disaster if they were to refuse the final fence.

Clearly, there can be no resolution of the Northern situation until the third and no less important piece of the jigsaw is in place. Anyone naive enough to believe this missing ingredient could somehow be forged later should remember that Stormontgate and the Colombian affair brought down the power-sharing government.

But merely to beef up the words is not sufficient. There must also be a change of mind-set, an acceptance of how crucial it is to end violence and thuggery. Only then will the region's fledgling democracy have a realistic chance of flourishing.

Conscious of the need to bring mainstream unionists on side, Mr Ahern has heaped praise on UUP leader David Trimble for his significant role in bringing a difficult scenario to the point of conclusion. In characteristic manner, however, Mr Trimble continues to play hardball, driving home the fact that unless the IRA stops its paramilitary activities, the decommissioning of weapons would be a hollow gesture.

That is a fair point. But Mr Trimble could not resist the urge to score petty political points against Sinn Féin. He concedes that republicans are gradually coming to the point of no return but, with a cynical eye on the impending election, he also boasts that there is not much further to "drag the IRA", adding "we have dragged them and forced them thus far".

Music to the ears of unionist extremists, this kind of language will infuriate hardline republicans. Sauce for the goose is also sauce for the gander and it is time Mr Trimble stopped lecturing Sinn Féin's Gerry Adams and learned to chose his own words more carefully.

Bridging the divide remains a crucial part of the Northern scenario. In this context, there is an urgent need for the British and Irish governments to publish the IRA statement.

Disbanding Sinn Féin's private army would be a monumental step forward. But there can be no place for subversive activities in the shadows and until "should" becomes "will" there can be no real confidence in the peace process.

Politically, it would be a dangerous setback if the election deadline was postponed and the prospect of restoring devolution put on ice yet again. Equally, it would be hard to overstate the importance of breaking the current impasse on the tortuous path towards lasting peace in the North.