Mick Clifford: Sacred cows unlikely to survive climate crisis

Politicians' instinctive tactic of kicking the can down the road won't suffice at a time when the planet is facing an existential crisis, writes Mick Clifford.
Mick Clifford: Sacred cows unlikely to survive climate crisis

The sacred cow that is the national herd represents a perfect example of how far politics has to travel in order to accommodate the new dispensation being ushered in by the climate crisis.

Ten days ago, the Taoiseach and Independent TD Danny Healy-Rae had what, on other occasions, might be regarded as a colourful exchange in the Dáil. 

Mr Healy-Rae put it to Mr Martin, that he, the Taoiseach, had been quoted as saying he was going to reduce the size of the national dairy and beef herd as part of a climate plan. Mr Martin replied that he said no such thing. “You’ve been quoted in the papers,” said Danny. “It’s out there that you’re going to reduce the national herd.”

Mr Martin repeated that he wanted to know where he was quoted. As far as he was concerned, he said no such thing. Danny blustered. The Taoiseach got in a dig about Danny “making up stuff every day”. And so it descended into rúille búille.

What separated this exchange from the usual waffle was the matter at issue. Reducing the national herd in order to cut down on methane gas emissions is considered to be a political landmine. 

Danny wanted to make hay on the issue, a chance for him to stand up and declare that you can have your climate change policy, but stay away from our cattle. The Taoiseach carefully stepped around the landmine.

 Danny Healy-Rae speaking in the town square in Bantry, Co Cork. Picture: Dan Linehan
Danny Healy-Rae speaking in the town square in Bantry, Co Cork. Picture: Dan Linehan

The sacred cow that is the national herd represents a perfect example of how far politics has to travel in order to accommodate the new dispensation being ushered in by the climate crisis.

The scientific argument is done. Everybody knows what is required. Yet, when it comes down to the nitty-gritty, transformational change is viewed as a threat rather than an opportunity.

Last Monday, the Climate Change Advisory Council (CCAC) set out its submission for the first carbon budget, which will determine what must be cut where to achieve a 51% reduction in emissions by 2030. In the section on agriculture, it was pointed out that it is currently very difficult to mitigate against methane emissions, which largely come from the bovine stock.

“The difficulty of mitigating enteric methane at present means that deep cuts in methane would require cuts in animal numbers, which could be very challenging for Ireland,” the report read. 

In other words, these scientists can’t see any way around cutting the national herd.

Environment minister Eamon Ryan said this week that the size of the herd will reduce naturally. Fianna Fáil backbench TD Barry Cowen told another radio programme on Tuesday that it’s a “lazy narrative” to talk about cutting the herd.

That is the level of debate about one contentious element of the new dispensation. The body politic is obviously of the opinion that the public at large, and particularly rural Ireland, is not yet ready to deal with the specifics of tackling climate change. 

Politicians are clinging to the instinctive tactic of kicking the can down the road.

On Wednesday, former Fine Gael minister Michael Ring told his parliamentary party meeting that he “thought he was at a Green party parliamentary party meeting”. According to the Irish Examiner’s Paul Hosford, Ring said the “Dublin-orientated green agenda” was “going to finish the Fine Gael party”. 

 Fine Gael TD Michael Ring. Picture: Gareth Chaney/Collins
Fine Gael TD Michael Ring. Picture: Gareth Chaney/Collins

And who exactly would replace them? A new party of independents led by Danny Healy-Rae who believes that “only God above controls the weather”?

Agriculture is to be treated as a special case in this country because of its role in society, the economy, and the production of food. But at a time when the planet is facing an existential crisis, there is only so much leeway that can be given to any sector.

Succumbing to the lobby that shouts loudest usually results in the impact of new policies falling heaviest on the sectors with the least voice. Such an approach simply won’t suffice when dealing with an existential threat to the planet and future generations. Without climate justice, the moral force driving action to arrest the crisis is hollowed out.

So does the country need to cut the number of cows in the country? According to the CCAC, output in the agriculture sector will fall over the coming decade by between 9% and 17%. If the high volume of emissions from cows is a no-go area, what other parts of agriculture will have to bear a disproportionate burden? 

And if agriculture as a whole is to be even more favourably treated compared to other sectors, then who exactly should be targeted to change their lives, standards of living, and livelihoods to make up the shortfall?

Leo Varadkar told Fine Gael’s meeting on Wednesday that the party “has a good story to tell on climate change, if we’re willing to tell it”. So far, there is no such willingness — and if not now, when?

It’s not just the Government that needs to get real, pronto. Sinn Féin and a number of left-wing entities believe that carbon tax should not be increased, despite extensive evidence that such a policy is highly effective in changing lifestyles and reducing emissions.

The objections are largely based on the premise that carbon tax hikes fall disproportionately on those least able to afford it. Yet, built into the carbon tax regime is the ringfencing of revenue to be put directly towards assisting those most impacted.

Ordinarily, simply objecting outright to an unpopular tax is politically astute or cynical, depending on your perspective.

But the future of the planet is not an ordinary political issue. Removing the carbon tax from the quiver of actions to be used in tackling emissions places a greater burden on other strategies and systems. 

Inevitably, those with the least voice will bear the greatest load when political manoeuvring is the main focus.

These challenges are not unique to this country. The Cop26 climate change conference in Glasgow will be heavily informed by sectoral political interests. 

National governments are increasingly talking the talk, but many among them still refuse to walk the walk. Australia, for instance, only this week announced a plan to end emissions by 2050. The plan is not enforced in law, and largely amounts to a target with no penalties attached. 

The fossil fuel industry in Australia has the kind of influence that nearly all lobby groups in this country could only dream about.

The resistance to change, the special pleading, the redundant anger directed at the so-called “green agenda” will all be amplified next week when the Government’s climate action plan is published. 

Despite that, change will come to the body politic. Nationally, the sacred cows will face the chop in one sense or another. Lobby groups will be shown the door, cynical policies abandoned.

The problem is that time is not on our side. Leaders need to begin telling the good story on climate change without any further delay. 

Leaders need to actually lead, persuade, reassure. That might go against natural instincts in politics today, but it has never been more vital.

CLIMATE & SUSTAINABILITY HUB

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