Oireachtas needs some reform
A crucial flaw in the campaign to cull the Seanad, (by slash-hook amputation), It did not consider till very late what the effect would be on the overall legislative ‘system’. What do we want the Oireachtas to do in the 21st century? How can we facilitate whatever that is?
Two facts which emerged as verifiable statistics were, firstly, that something like 63% legislation coming from the Dáil had been guillotined, (ie not processed fully by the Dáil); secondly, that in the two-and-a-half years of this administration 529 amendments have had to be brought forward by the ‘toothless, useless, imperial, elitist’ Seanad in order to clean up this pseudo legislation which was incomplete and unfit for purpose. Similar figures apply for the previous 2007-2011 administration.
It was not just specific politicians but both our laws and our day-to-day administration which failed us and helped to bring us to where we are. Therefore, the need to carry out a root-and-branch empirical review of our systems (but also ‘ethos’) of governance and politics becomes an urgent imperative.
By all means learn from the experience of others, but do we have to be bound by the notion that we can, (or should), only do something if 20 other states have already done it — one of the themes of the ‘Yes’ campaign? From the time of the Book of Kells we have frequently borrowed from others — and then put our own unique spin on it. That is part of our unique creativity.
For example, legislation can be, (and has been occasionally), initiated in the Seanad. The Seanad could be composed of ‘vocational’ experts, people trained and proven in analysis and innovation, and maybe some regional representatives, including the North and the diaspora, nominated by appropriate bodies, but elected by universal suffrage. It could examine and ‘proof’ legislation before it goes to the Dáil. The detail and reference impact of draft legislation would have been examined in a measured and technical way which the Dáil is not equipped to do, (TDs are not elected as technical experts but as ‘general’ representatives).
This would allow the Dáil, as the national assembly of our ‘deputies’ (sic), to deal with matters of principle or general policy. Nominate the head of Government. Give the ultimate ratification to policy and decisions. Hold the Government to account — with the sanction of dismissal.
Much of this type of pragmatic reform could be brought in by legislation.
Effectively, the Labour Party played no distinct role in the campaign. Strange in that the fundamental mission of a nominally social democratic party such as Labour is to reform society and the way it manages its affairs.
Tralee
Co Kerry





