Stormont stalemate - Yet another deadline for power sharing

IF there is anything consistent on the political landscape of Northern Ireland, it is the incidence of deadlines and their passing without achieving their objective.

Once again Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and British Prime Minister Tony Blair yesterday travelled to Belfast to impress upon the parties the urgency of another one.

They stressed the importance of arriving at a deal on power-sharing by November 24 next if there is to be any progress in the peace process and the normalisation of the North.

Both leaders are insisting that the power-sharing executive be restored by then, to replace direct rule from London which was imposed almost four years ago in October 2002.

Very little has changed since then, certainly not the attitude of the DUP’s leader Ian Paisley towards Sinn Féin, and it is doubtful if the British threat to cut off salaries if there remains a stalemate will change that.

Despite the fact that the British Government introduced emergency legislation to allow the Assembly to be recalled on May 15 last, when the “immovable” November deadline was imposed in tandem with it, there has been no progress.

It has only convened on a handful of occasions and even the establishment of a cross-party Preparation for Government Committee has proved to be rather lacklustre in making any progress.

Its aim, according to Northern Secretary Peter Hain, was to determine issues which required to be addressed before devolution was restored, but Sinn Féin has dismissed the idea that the Assembly debate the work of the committee.

During yesterday’s meetings, held individually with the parties, Mr Ahern and Mr Blair sought to instil a sense of urgency into the political climate by setting a timetable, which would include talks until August at least, followed by more intensive endeavours in the autumn and culminating in the November objective.

In advance of that date, both leaders have to stamp the authority of both their Governments firmly on the direction of the talks and intimate that the outcome, with or without an Executive, is not, and cannot be the province of any one party.

A resumption of direct rule from London would be more desirable to Mr Paisley than the prospect of sharing power with Sinn Féin, yet the future of Northern Ireland is predicated on cross-community co-operation.

That concept was one witnessed by President Mary McAleese yesterday when she visited the Finaghy Crossroads Group, which is led by a 12-member committee comprising former paramilitaries from both sides.

Similarly, both leaders met with students in Ballymena from state, integrated and Catholic schools who have become engaged in an anti-sectarian initiative in the aftermath of the murder of a Catholic teenager.

Sooner, rather than much later, blocking tactics by political parties of peaceful progress in the North has to stop and cognisance be given that there is a genuine effort in both communities to heal old wounds.

In that regard, Mr Paisley has much to contribute but he has to be disabused of the notion that because he leads the biggest Unionist party, that he has the ultimate sanction.

Both Sinn Féin and the DUP have a duty and a moral obligation to the common good to begin to put their differences aside.