Paying the price for staying alive
THREE months ago, two green off-roaders sped out the gates of one of the most notorious prisons in Colombia and disappeared into the dusty streets of Bogota’s poorest quarters.
The three Irishmen on board were ferried at speed to a secret location. Since then, the families and friends of the trio have had no communication with them, no visits, telephone calls, emails or letters.
That’s the price Martin McCauley, Niall Connolly and James Monaghan have to pay to stay alive, according to supporters who, along with the infamous trio, are still waiting to find out the outcome of a state appeal against their acquittal on charges of aiding left wing guerrillas.
It was supposed to take 16 days from the day the country’s Attorney General announced he was unhappy with the verdict and would be appealing.
A Bogota judge ruled five months ago the three were innocent of the most serious accusations but found them guilty of travelling to the troubled south American country on false documents.
They were free to leave having served nearly three years on remand since their arrest at Bogota airport in August 2001.
But, fearful for their safety, confused over when the three-judge appeal panel would rule and not knowing whether they would be allowed to leave the country pending a decision, the three decided to remain in the relative safety of the Modelo jail, surrounded by members of the FARC guerilla movement they were accused of helping.
Two months later, they left the prison. Their security is based solely on no one knowing where they are hiding. It is thought they are spending the vast majority, if not all, of their time indoors and that arrangements have been made for them to receive food and other supplies without them having to leave the accommodation.
“They are getting no visits from their families. They are getting nothing from anybody because their safety depends on it,” says Catriona Ruane, Bring Them Home’s high profile leader who has taken on the role of spokesperson as the families refuse to speak on the record.
Even emails can be tracked, she says.
“Nobody knows where they are ... that’s been the case since the day the three were released from prison,” said Ms Ruane, Sinn Fein’s South Down assembly member.
Amid the volatile, violent and sometimes confusing world of Colombian politics, the three have a high and somewhat notorious profile.
Independent commentators, scathing of the activities of left wing guerrillas, right wing paramilitaries and government forces alike, argued from the earliest stage that it was unlikely the three would add much to the FARC’s military campaign.
It was more likely the group was interested in how the modern Irish Republican movement managed to develop politically while continuing the armed campaign.
But many in the country, who despise the FARC’s bloody, cocaine-fuelled 40-year campaign, still believe they are in the country to further add to the group’s military capability, particularly the use of mortars.
A US intelligence committee linked the IRA with FARC, the country’s vice president made public comments on the case and reports suggested mortar bombs were used by the guerrillas - most notoriously in an attack that killed nearly 100 people sheltering in a church - with the expertise supplied by the Irishmen.
Their deaths, it is argued, would provide excellent scalps for the country’s estimated 20,000 right-wing paramilitaries, though all the various groups are involved in peace talks with the Government.
“There are ongoing threats against them all the time. They have a very high profile in Colombia, on TV and in the papers,” said Ms Ruane.
At the time of their release, there was some talk of a deal that would allow them to return home pending the appeal, that the Irish Government would guarantee they would come back if the verdict was overturned.
A panel of magistrates ruled against that proposal. It is expected the three-judge appeal panel will simply deliver their verdict to the men’s lawyers. But there is no indication as to when that will happen.
Ironically, the safety of the three may be bolstered by violent rifts among the outlawed paramilitaries, particularly the largest group, the United Self-Defence Forces of Colombia (AUC).
A leader, who advocated the disbandment of the paramilitaries, and bodyguards were killed last weekend by members of their own outfit. He is the third far right militant, including an AUC founder, to be killed this year. It may be that other paramilitary leaders have more to worry about than the execution of the three Irishmen.
Like their own survival.
