Letters to the Editor: Children with complex needs are being failed by the State
'My daughter was diagnosed with autism and dyslexia at the age of seven by a psychologist who, to this day, remains the only professional who truly saw and understood her, beyond her ability to mask.' Stock picture
I am writing as the mother of an autistic child to share the painful reality many families in Ireland are still facing — a system that continues to fail children with complex needs, even when the signs are clear and parents are actively asking for help.
My daughter was diagnosed with autism and dyslexia at the age of seven by a psychologist who, to this day, remains the only professional who truly saw and understood her, beyond her ability to mask. From the moment she began school, we communicated the challenges she was experiencing and the support we believed she needed. We were told that nothing could be done without a formal diagnosis — and once the diagnosis was provided, very little changed.
Because she masked so effectively at school, our repeated and urgent concerns — raised almost daily — about the emotional crises she experienced at home were dismissed. We were told the issue must be at home, and that the school was already doing all it could. Despite her diagnosis, she was not offered a place in the autism spectrum disorder (ASD) class, and we were told no further support would be provided. We applied for a year to other schools with an ASD class and we are still on waiting lists.
She was also not accepted by the children’s disability network team, and primary care psychology services informed us that her needs were too complex for them to meet.
We also underwent the assessment of needs, which was likewise not accepted — on the grounds that “the definition of disability as defined in the act has not been met in this case”.
When her emotional wellbeing seriously deteriorated, she was referred to Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services (Camhs) — but her case was initially not accepted. Only after contacting government ministers was she taken on — but even then, with a nine-month waiting list.
As we could not access therapy through the public system, we attempted to go private — but quickly found that the waiting lists were either closed or years long.
After exhausting every local avenue and watching our daughter’s wellbeing decline, we made the heartbreaking decision to relocate to Spain, where her needs were recognised almost immediately. She was granted the highest level of dependency and a disability. She now attends a school where she has her own classroom, a dedicated teacher, and regular support from a speech and language therapist and occupational therapist.
We are grateful she is finally receiving the help she needs — but the damage from years of inaction has already been done.
This is not just about the toll on our family — though it has been significant. My husband has remained working in Ireland for a year, only able to visit once a month, while I have been alone with our daughter in Spain, rebuilding her life, her mental health, and education. But most importantly, this is about the long-term impact on a 10-year-old child.
She now faces an educational delay of approximately five years, which is extremely difficult to reverse. She lives with the psychological impact of having spent years in a system that did not provide her with a safe or supportive environment.
She was a child with visible needs who was repeatedly overlooked, misunderstood, and effectively denied her rights, simply because she masked.
This experience has left her not only behind in her education, but with emotional wounds from being dismissed by the very structures that should have protected and supported her. And sadly, her story is not unique.
It should not take moving abroad — or escalating to ministers — for a child to be seen. No child should have to reach a breaking point before support is offered. And no parent should have to fight for years, every single day, for their child to receive even the most basic help.
I share this not just for my daughter, but for every other child in Ireland still waiting — still unheard, still unseen, and still fighting for the support they deserve.
My father was a 17-year-old private in Jadotville and remains in contact with many other veterans including John Gorman (the co-author of this letter), who was an 18-year-old private in 1961.
John Gorman and my father enjoyed the part fictionalised 2016 Netflix film, The Siege of Jadotville, where John’s character — as a member of No 1 Platoon, which took the brunt of the mercenary-led attack in Jadotville — was portrayed by the actor Ronan Raftery.
The full truth of Jadotville however goes much deeper than that film and all of the evidence, including 21 veterans’ eye-witness submissions, has been meticulously set out in the Independent Review Group (IRG) report 2021, an independent report (available online) compiled by historians, archivists, lawyers, and senior military personnel.
The evidence as set out in the IRG report demonstrates that the officers on the ground in Jadotville made six medal recommendations, 24 recommendations for meritorious service or commendations and three recommended promotions for the 1962 medals board.
The 1965 medals board also considered the final recommendations signed off by the battalion commander culminating in distinguished service medals (DSMs) being awarded to three men whose service included Jadotville, with a fourth being awarded later. Even if there had been a validated recommendation for 34 medals, this would not mean the automatic award of a medal.
The petition for Cmdt Quinlan to receive a DSM was made during the course of the IRG research and submissions process (petitioned for by veterans including my father and John Gorman) and was accepted by the IRG as one of its 19 recommendations.
Veterans like my father and John Gorman would like to pay tribute to former taoiseach Enda Kenny; defence ministers — notably Willie O’Dea, Paul Kehoe, and Simon Coveney; chiefs of staff: notably Mark Mellett and senior Defence Force personnel including Jackie McCrum and Paul Clarke, for everything they have done for veterans culminating in the award to veterans of the An Bonn Jadotville military medal for their “leadership, bravery, courage and professional performance” in Jadotville — citations these veterans believe, rank it alongside the very highest awards in the Irish military.
My father and John Gorman would also like to say a special thanks to the IRG for their dedication in compiling the evidence and detailing the truth of Jadotville, and to re-iterate their wholehearted support for its 19 recommendations.
Cynthia Carroll suggests full sanctions on Israel, stronger than the Occupied Territories Bill (OTB) — ‘Time for general boycott and sanctions on Israel’ (Irish Examiner, Letters, June 25). Her heartfelt call has already been made worldwide, to no avail. Immediate enactment of the real OTB (2018) in Ireland, sadly seems the best hope for the innocents of Palestine at present.
Calling shame, on the inadequate efforts of the Western democracies, has also been tried. Some profit directly from supplying munitions of massacre. Others have binding strategic or commercial links, with the US or other supporters of the war on Gaza. Many express concern, but feel prohibited from taking effective action.
Ordinary people, the world over, tend to be different. Free from political manoeuvrings, human empathy is their priority. Such Irish people acted long before the sanctions against South Africa, mentioned by your correspondent.
Nelson Mandela described the activism of these shop workers as “pivotal”. Starting in 1984, they shared a belief with people of the world, that together they could be a force for humanity. The Irish government conceded and imposed sanctions in 1987 and many countries soon followed. Mandela was freed from prison in 1990.
The OTB has similarities to the strategy for South Africa. It reflects the greater complexities of the tragedy in Israel and Palestine. Its peaceful innovation is it focuses on illegality rather than blanket boycotts on blameless civilians. It also offers the potential for others countries to enact similar legislation, joining Ireland in a major movement towards dialogue and peace.
Since its introduction, the OTB, has gained large majorities in the Dáil, Seanad and amongst the electorate. Astoundingly, since 2020 the Government has omitted, delayed and fundamental dilution of the OTB, without adequate justification.
The survival of Palestinian people and their culture is imminent danger. In the absence of alternatives from a sad world, early enactment of Ireland’s original OTB is the best way we can serve them.
