No way back if we abolish Seanad

RECENTLY, I was fortunate to attend and speak at the annual Kennedy Summer School in New Ross, Co Wexford. Attendees had two things in common: A fascination with the closest thing Ireland and Irish America have to a royal family, and a belief in the potential of democratic politics.

This latter belief is shared by those Kennedys, past and present, who have made such an extraordinary contribution to American public life and to the unique relationship between Ireland and the US.

A significant portion of the event was spent discussing the life and legacy of the “lion of the Senate”, Edward Kennedy, who used his unparalleled powers of persuasion to build consensus and get legislation through a hyper-partisan Congress.

On leaving the summer school, I felt myself lifted by a real exuberance about politics. That heady feeling, however, was quickly dashed when I returned my attention to the Government’s campaign to abolish Seanad Éireann.

Of course, I readily admit that attempting to make any comparison between politics in the country of my birth and Irish politics truly is a case of apples and oranges.

I recognise, too, that some in Ireland, though happy to listen to an Irish-American talk and write about US politics, are dismissive of an outsider’s input on matters closer to home. But being an “outsider” has its advantages.

I am not a member of any political party. I have voted for three parties and for independents since I moved here in 2001. Others, on both sides of the referendum campaign, carry a lot of baggage that undermines their current stance. I have none.

What I do have is a strong belief in politics that was instilled by my Boston-Irish political family. The Government’s campaign to abolish the Seanad violates all the principles in my political DNA. The abolition campaign’s twin hallmarks are revolting cynicism and sad defeatism. That’s why, a number of years after I was last actively involved in a political campaign, I am working to thwart Seanad abolition and am urging voters to say no today.

The Fine Gael/Labour Government was elected in 2011. It had a huge majority and promised a “democratic revolution” that would transform politics. There has been no reform. Fine Gael chairman Charlie Flanagan allows that the Government has done almost nothing to try and end adversarial politics in the Oireachtas. The party’s chief whip, Paul Kehoe, has stated that attempts at reform of the Dáil have been “deplorable”.

Now, the Government claims it will reform the Dáil, but only if the electorate abolishes the Seanad first. Leaving aside the cynicism inherent in this posturing, the reforms mooted thus far have generally been characterised as window-dressing by commentators, even those who favour Seanad abolition.

Crucially, there has been no indication that reform will include a critical re-examination by parties of the current, ridiculously over-rigid party whip system.

Cynicism is pervasive in the abolitionists’ campaign. The Taoiseach’s volte face about the Seanad — going from speaking eloquently about what a reformed Upper House could be to announcing that he would get rid of it in a short timeframe when his approval ratings had slipped and his advisers urged him to be bold and assertive — was cynical.

The Fine Gael poster making the demonstrably false claim that abolishing the Seanad will save €20m every year and result in fewer politicians is a visual representation of incredibly cynical, lowest common denominator politics. I worry greatly when politicians imply that there is something very wrong with politicians.

Not all Seanad abolitionists are as cynical. Instead, they are defeatist. They repeat the mantra that there is no consensus on reform and that the reforms proposed are unworkable.

While there are several proposals, they are not divergent, but complementary, and reforms can be implemented relatively rapidly and without the need for constitutional change initially. Although it’s argued that at least one — to me, exciting — proposal, votes for emigrants, is unworkable, this ignores the reality that dozens of countr ies around the world permit it. Why can’t Ireland do the same? We certainly can.

If the people vote no on Friday, they will get a reformed Seanad Éireann for which all Irish citizens will have a vote; that will draw its membership from different communities and walks of life than the Dáil; and that will provide an invaluable “second opinion”.

If they vote yes, the Seanad will be gone and won’t be coming back. I guess the Government thinks that would be good for Irish democracy. I think it would be terrible.

* Larry Donnelly is a Boston attorney and a law lecturer at NUI Galway.