One part of political transformation
A sizeable group still have to make up their mind too, but this all points to a much greater level of participation by the public than might have been expected.
This doesn’t surprise me though. Fine Gael have campaigned on this issue since 2009, when we first published a policy document on changing our politics, again during the general election in 2011 and more formally since July when we began working on the current campaign.
And what I have found as we’ve organised countless public meetings, canvassed door to door, engaged online with hundreds of thousands of people, or talked to people on the streets or in shopping centres around the country is that the public want to play their part in changing the face of our politics.
The public have an appetite for information on the Seanad and when they are presented with the facts they are clear in their judgement.
They have picked up on the excellent work done by the Referendum Commission in presenting simple and factual information on the issue and at the same time they are surprised by a lot of what they’ve learned about the Seanad during the campaign.
Those seeking to retain the Seanad, some for truly genuine reasons, most for obvious political or personal reasons, would like to discuss a fantasy Seanad that doesn’t exist or, alternatively, one that might emerge in the future but which nobody can agree on the final design. The Fine Gael campaign has simply talked about the relevant facts about our current Seanad and what it does, and more often, doesn’t do.
On Sunday for instance we were campaigning in Dublin city centre explaining to the people we met about the Seanad’s supposed watchdog role.
Those in Fianna Fáil and others who seek to retain the status quo never point out that the last time the Seanad used its only substantive power to act as some form of a “watchdog” on the Government by delaying, not blocking, a bill for 90 days was back when the Beatles scored their first US number one in 1964.
It also shocks rather than surprises people to hear that just 1% of the population elected the current Seanad. The electorate is made up of sitting TDs, county councillors and graduates from some, but not all, universities. The lucky graduates elect six senators while the other 90% of the senators are elected by politicians or are chosen by the Taoiseach.
The Taoiseach’s choices are designed to ensure that the Government of the day has an in-built majority in the Seanad chamber. As a result of this selection process, more than 90% of those senators lucky enough to make it in to the upper house are members of established parties who pursue similar voting patterns to their colleagues in the Dáil.
The more they hear these facts, the more the voters I meet are inclined to say they are going to support a yes vote on Friday. When I tell them that we are one of just two non-federal countries with populations of less than 10 million that has a second chamber of parliament and that other small progressive countries like Sweden, Denmark and New Zealand have all gotten rid of their second house, they raise their eyebrows and wonder why are we holding on to ours.
Finally, when I tell them that the Seanad costs €20m to run each year and that this money could be better used elsewhere in the public service, the arguments for retention become weaker and weaker.
Abolition of the Seanad is just one part, albeit a very important part, of the Government’s commitment to transform our political institutions that failed us so catastrophically over recent years.
That means bringing in changes like the restoration of the Freedom of Information Act, ending the old system of corporate donations, reducing the number of junior ministers and committees, introducing new whistleblower legislation, creating a new independent fiscal council, strengthening the Standards in Public Office, and changing the way the Dáil works so that directly elected deputies and outside experts and civic groups will have greater say in shaping and preparing new legislation.
We have already made all these changes, and more, in the first half of our term in Government. Now, it’s over to you, the voters, this Friday, when you can play your part in bringing about one of the most fundamental changes to our political system since the foundation of the State.
ON FRIDAY, people will be voting on the largest ever amendment to Bunreacht na hÉireann.
More than 40 changes to the text of our Constitution are involved — but the most striking thing about these changes is that they protect every existing power of ministers and increase them by reducing parliamentary scrutiny of government.
This referendum has nothing to do with political reform. It is a power grab, pure and simple.
What’s worse, it is a power grab being promoted through the most cynical, negative, and dishonest referendum campaign ever undertaken by an Irish government.
The man proposing it will not debate its contents and his party continues to campaign using attacks on opponents and claims which have been proven to be false.
Their most cynical campaign tactic has been to try to make you believe that there will be major savings if you vote yes. There won’t be.
The fact is that not one cent will be saved which will help in any budget to be introduced by this government.
In the longer term, nothing near the Government’s claimed saving will be achieved. Pensions will still be paid and Leinster House will still function. The person legally responsible for the costs of the Seanad has said publicly that the net savings from abolition will be in the region of 30% of what the Government claims.
They are also falsely claiming that the abolition of the Seanad will bring Ireland into line with other countries. Again, this is simply untrue.
If we vote yes, Ireland will have a political system unique in the democratic world. No other country has a single chamber of parliament, weak local government, and complete government control of the parliamentary agenda.
In every one of the countries the Government has cited as models for Ireland to follow, there are constitutional and legal controls on the powers of ministers which our Government has refused to even discuss.
Finally, they are arguing that they are reforming the Dáil so we don’t need a second chamber.
In reality, they are actually increasing government control over the Dáil.
Debates are being guillotined at the highest rate in the Dáil’s history — which means the Dáil is given less time to consider government proposals than ever before.
Even more worrying is that the Government is refusing to have ministers answer even basic questions about their behaviour.
James Reilly refusing to explain how he intervened to have a major facility awarded to people he knew and Alan Shatter refusing to explain how he avoided a breath test which every citizen is obliged to submit to are just two of a rising number of examples of government marginalising the Dáil.
These non-reform plans will give more time to government business and less opportunity to make our parliament more expert and independent.
The obvious question arises as to why they are so eager to get this referendum passed? The answer is by no means clear — it is aimed at allowing ministers to claim they delivered reform, without actually having to reform anything.
Remember, this is the government which claims it has delivered “fairness”, while independent studies show its budgets have been weighted against groups already most under pressure.
This is a government of spin and this referendum is its way of talking about change while actually increasing its own power.
This government intend this referendum to be its final say on the so-called ‘democratic revolution’ they promised in 2011.
If you vote yes, they intend putting up their “Mission Accomplished” banners and formally ending any hope that the Irish political system might ever change.
There is an alternative — and that is to say no to their power grab.
If there is a no vote on Friday, they will be forced to take reform seriously.
Because there is not a single person in the country arguing for the retention of the Seanad in its current form, the government will have to accept that the people have voted for real reform.
And once that happens, reform can be delivered quickly.
There is already a bill passed by the Seanad to completely change its work, open it up to the public, and end its current process of election.
We could be debating this bill — written by Feargal Quinn and Katherine Zaponne, both excellent parliamentarians — in the Dáil next week and have a reformed parliament by Christmas if there is a no vote.
My party has also proposed a series of more than 70 reforms to the Dáil which would make it more expert in handing public business and less dominated by ministers.
These could also be taken up and implemented quickly.
In 2011, all parties promised the people a deep reform of politics so that our way of business in parliament and government would change from the way it was before the crisis.
Friday’s referendum marks another broken promise from this Government.
A yes vote will not give us better legislation, better government, or cheaper government.
All it will do is to concentrate even more power in the hands of ministers and allow them to stop all further pushes for real political reform.
If we want Irish politics to change, if we want it to learn the lessons of the past, the only way of doing this is to vote no on Friday and demand real reform.
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