'Politics is corrupt, public administration is corrupt, and democracy is dead'

WE HAVE a really deep problem of accountability in our country. I shouldnāt have got to the venerable age I am without realising this. I am absolutely convinced that the issue of accountability, and how its absence runs the risk of corrupting our state, should be a central issue in the general election campaign. Sadly, there doesnāt appear to be room in the āfiscal spaceā to allow the issue even to be discussed.
A couple of weeks ago I wrote about Grace here. I was by no means the first person to write about her, nor the first to start a campaign to try to get to the truth of what happened to her. There is now a consensus that we need to know that truth, that we can do no justice without getting to the bottom of it.
And yet those who claim to know the truth canāt share it. Thereās a Garda investigation ā and ironically (because arenāt Garda investigations supposed to be about getting to the truth?) that very fact is preventing Graceās story from being told. If I can believe what I read, it hasnāt even been possible so far for the HSE to share the reports they have with the State agency (Tusla) that was set up specifically to protect children.
There is now to be an independent enquiry. Itās essential, and its terms of reference must be broad enough to enable them to get to the root causes of why abuse can happen, and why itās so easy to turn a blind eye to it. I hope they get the paperwork they need without obstacle, and I hope theyāre free to publish everything they find. But in the country we live in, I worry that it may not be so simple.
Foster care scandal: Justice for āGraceā comes late in day, writes @McConnellDaniel https://t.co/jLtCDKW67y ^DH pic.twitter.com/8lhH06NAsv
— Irish Examiner (@irishexaminer) February 2, 2016
Since I first wrote about Grace, Iāve heard so many stories that I now know we are only at the tip of the accountability iceberg. Iāve spoken to families who have sought for years to have allegations of physical abuse, deep neglect, and sometimes sexual abuse investigated, and have been met with locked doors and intransigent officialdom. Iāve heard from social workers whose health has been broken by the way the system has dealt with their attempts to raise concerns.
Iāve met family members who have been threatened with prosecution for making āfalseā allegations that the authorities have refused to investigate or take seriously. Iāve met whistleblowers who can only talk surreptitiously for fear of their careers or because thereās an implicit threat to the funding of their organisations.
Iāve also had calls and comments from people who have pointed out that there are many other areas of abuse in Ireland that go unchecked ā not just those involving people with disabilities. Disadvantaged communities have seen many broken promises, there is a growing phenomenon of elder abuse, people dependent on the direct provision system live lives akin to the poorhouse system of old, people who desperately need access to mental health services have no rights whatsoever.
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Alongside all that Iāve had correspondents who have accused me of being stupid and naĆÆve because I should have realised years ago that politics is corrupt, public administration is corrupt, and democracy is dead. Maybe I am stupid and naĆÆve, but I donāt believe politics is essentially corrupt. I have always believed that most politicians start off with honourable intentions, and most maintain those intentions through all the compromises that political life brings.
But authority works differently and always has. Ten years ago the Ryan Report talked about the peculiar and sickening relationship between Church and State, a relationship that was used to abuse generations of Irish children with impunity. That relationship may be gone, but it has not been replaced by accountability.
Instead weāve had nearly another generation of impunity, and it has dragged every institution into mistrust and cynicism. Banks, builders, politicians, the legal and accounting professions, doctors, sports people, people who run charities. The list goes on and on. You can argue on the one hand that the behaviour of a few people in each category on the list was what did the damage. But the truth is that we lived, and still do, in a country where impunity is considered more valuable than accountability.
In 2011, by a majority of 53% to 47%, we rejected a proposal to change the Constitution to give Oireachtas Committees greater powers of investigation into matters of āgeneral public importanceā. That was a mistake ā although the mistake wasnāt ours. The provision was badly drafted and sweeping, and the campaign was rushed, with an air of arrogance about it.
Iāve always believed that (like in other jurisdictions) parliamentary enquiries can be a cornerstone of accountability. But the core job of such enquiries should be to hold public administration to account. I still believe that it would be possible to generate public support in a referendum for enquiries into matters of āgeneral public importanceā provided that those matters arose from the administration or maladministration of public policy.
But even that doesnāt go far enough. The oddity is that we have a written constitution. That constitution has language in it, in one of its articles, that would go a long way towards addressing the fundamental issue of accountability throughout our system.
Itās old-fashioned language, but itās robust enough to be useful. It talks about the welfare of the whole people. It refers to a social order informed by justice and charity. It sets out real priorities for our state, including that people should have the right to make reasonable provision for their domestic needs; that there āmay be established on the land in economic security as many families as in the circumstances shall be practicableā; that efficient private enterprise should protect the public against unjust exploitation.
Barnardos CEO @irishexaminer columnist @fergusfinlay giving some badly needed sense on the foster care abuse scandal https://t.co/UME0lPHt3m
— Fiachra Ć Cionnaith š (@Ocionnaith) January 26, 2016
And it goes on to say that the āState pledges itself to safeguard with especial care the economic interests of the weaker sections of the community, and, where necessary, to contribute to the support of the infirm, the widow, the orphan, and the aged. The State shall endeavour to ensure that the strength and health of workers, men and women, and the tender age of children shall not be abused ā¦ā Itās powerful stuff, the stuff on which an accountable society could be built. But thereās a fatal flaw. All of this is in Article 45, and the introduction of the article says that these āprinciplesā are only for the general guidance of the parliament, and can never be challenged in any Court.
It will be argued, of course, that we simply canāt afford these things ā theyād wreck the economy, and thatās why we canāt make them or similar principles mandatory.
Well, hereās two laymanās lessons from history. Lesson one ā real improvements in the human condition never wrecked an economy. The abolition of slavery didnāt do it, equality for women didnāt do it, freedom of speech didnāt do it. And lesson number two: A country that turns it back on accountability to its most vulnerable people wakes up some morning wondering how democracy died. It couldnāt happen to us, could it?
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