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Living in ‘hell of untold miseries’

THE news from Burma these days is relentlessly positive.

The release of political prisoners, including that of Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, coupled with the recent elections, have led to hopes that the country is on the path to genuine democratic reform.

The triumph of the National League of Democracy in April by-elections, capturing 43 of 45 available seats, expresses the appetite for change amongst Burma’s citizens. Much praise has been directed at Thein Sein, the civilian president. Since assuming office in 2010, he has displayed notable sincerity and political acumen, pressing through reforms without a backlash from hardliners.

Addressing the nation on Mar 1, the president declared it his goal to deliver “genuine democracy”. His ambitious programme includes further democratic reform, rebuilding the economy, ensuring the rule of law, and respecting ethnic diversity and equality. It is in this final step of ethnic reconciliation where perhaps the greatest challenges lie.

Burma is one of the world’s most ethnically diverse countries, with 137 recognised ethnicities among its estimated 56m people. The largest of these groups are the Burman, who are Buddhist and Burmese-speaking. Non-Burman ethnic groups live mainly in the peripheral areas, many with their own unique culture, language, and religion. For decades, the ruling military junta had followed a policy of “burmanisation”, restricting the practice of non-Burman cultures under the auspices of national unity and security. In consequence, the country has been at war with itself since independence in 1948 and has hosted some of the longest running civil conflicts in the world.

Today, Kachin state is the battleground for one of the most brutal. As many as 70,000 civilians have fled their homes since June last year, when a 17-year ceasefire between the government and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) collapsed. The most recent deterioration in relations originates from the government’s attempts to regain military control of its borders along Thailand and China from armed groups.

The government increased its military presence in the area, with the result that the only Kachin political party, the Kachin State Political Party, considered it untenable to compete in the 2010 general election. With no regional Kachin party running, the first steps in the nationwide democratic transition was a bitter setback for Kachin.

Since then, there has been intense fighting there, including prolific use of land mines and systematic human rights abuses by both sides. One local source told me: “The army take unwilling boys and men as porters; the KIA enlist them as fighters.”

Trócaire has been working with local organisations to deliver life-saving assistance to 36,000 of the most vulnerable people in camps.

Delivering lifesaving aid to civilian victims is a complex undertaking. The demarcation between government and KIA areas of control is fluid, with civilian camps straddling both. KIA forces have resorted to guerrilla tactics, using roadside explosive devices which make main transport routes unsafe. The area has become increasingly militarised as government forces attempt to weed out KIA combatants.

The shortfall in humanitarian aid is of grave concern. Community leaders have little optimism that any ceasefire will be agreed in the near future. Worryingly, a presidential plea for an end to hostilities on both sides has not been met.

The international community has rewarded Burma for its political progress. It must continue to finance the delivery of humanitarian assistance and encourage greater efforts by the government to resolve the conflict in Kachin.

The alternative may lead to a protracted humanitarian crisis, potentially radicalising a younger generation and putting the lives of thousands at immediate risk. A failure in Burma to address Kachin ethnic grievances could destabilise the entire reform agenda. In his inaugural speech, President Sein urged the cessation of the country’s several armed conflicts, declaring that long-running ethnic wars in the country were due to “sectarian strife and racism”. The country’s ethnic minorities had, he said, experienced “the hell of untold miseries”. In Kachin, they still do.

* Conor O’Loughlin is Trócaire’s emergency response officer. He has recently returned from Kachin state.

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