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Britain and Europe - Debate will strengthen EU project

It would be foolish to imagine that a coalition of 27 nations, with a population of something over 500m people, each with different priorities, national characteristics, cultural, religious and political instincts, contrasting histories of domination or subjugation, could, for decades, seamlessly work together building an ever more unified entity without disagreement or even an occasional refusal to take the next step.

Disagreement is inevitable and in his well-flagged speech yesterday British prime minister David Cameron revealed the depth of his — and especially his party’s — ambition to review the terms of Britain’s membership of the EU. He called for the UK to be exempted from the community’s founding and consistent principle: Evolution towards an ever-closer union. He confirmed plans, should his party be re-elected, to offer Britain an in/out choice but said he would campaign with all his “heart and soul” for Britain to remain a full EU member if terms were renegotiated to allay Britain’s fears about ceding ever more power to Brussels.

As statements of intent go it’s a pretty dramatic, high-wire position-cum-ultimatum but as even a preliminary set of proposals remain absolutely remote it is difficult to deal with it in anything but the vaguest and most conditional terms. All of which are predicated on the reality that the incorrigibly euro-sceptic Tories, even at the height of their Regency self-assurance, are unlikely to convince the British people to ignore virtually every trade union, virtually every business organisation, the Labour Party, and a considerable rump of their own party and reject Europe.

From a selfish Irish perspective it’s difficult to imagine that a British withdrawal from the EU would be, as Taoiseach Enda Kenny recently described it, anything other than catastrophic. Our ties, commercially, socially, and historically, run far too deep to make it impossible to view such a possibility in any other way.

One of the great achievements of the EU is that it has diluted the fevered, aggressive kind of nationalism that for centuries provoked one war after another, so it is ironic that Britain’s withdrawal would have implications for the prospect of a united Ireland and indeed an independent Scotland. Restricted access to British markets for goods and people would, if that is possible, be more than catastrophic for this economy.

The timing of the declaration will create unwelcome uncertainty, a point already made by Mr Cameron’s coalition partner, Liberal Democrats leader Nick Clegg. And though the majority of European leaders resp-onded with barely concealed frustration to Mr Cameron’s broadside and said there can be no such thing as an à la carte EU, there must be some merit in a reappraisal of the Brussels juggernaut’s reach and the democratic deficit that has developed, especially to the disadvantage of smaller member states. As we await a deal on bank debt incurred by trying to be good Europeans, it is easy to be disenchanted by how powerless, how ensnared we now seem. Equally, any debate provoked by Mr Cameron’s banderillas is be a welcome step towards counter-balancing the growing if not complete Franco-German domination of the union.

It will be interesting to see how Britain’s concerns are accommodated but the reality remains that it would be a tragedy for Europe and for Britain, and especially for Ireland, if Britain chooses to isolate itself. Home

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