Saturday, June 13, 2009
MERCIFULLY the election campaign is over. Some will say it was the essence of democracy, but the whole thing was particularly tedious.
Isn’t it time that politicians on both sides of the Dáil put the interests of the country before those of their party? It has become a cliche to congratulate everybody who stands for election, as if it were an example of moral courage. That maybe true of office seekers who have the courage to say what they really believe, but politicians generally only tell people what they want to hear.
Hearing Fianna Fáil politicians repeatedly saying that they expected to fare badly because they had to make so many unpopular decisions, was enough to make one vomit. They were insulting the intelligence of the electorate with that crap, and they got what they deserved. There are none so stupid as those who do not learn from their mistakes. Unfortunately there are few grounds for believing that Fine Gael is much better.
"Our problems are overwhelming," Ivan Yates wrote during the week. These problems are worse than those of the 1970s and 1980s. In fact, in some ways we are already back to where we were at the height of the Great Depression.
Fianna Fáil came to power with the extravagant promises of the 1977 election manifesto. Within a couple of years it was obvious that we were in trouble. Jack Lynch, the most popular taoiseach in our history, fared poorly in the local and European elections of 1979, and then Fianna Fáil lost two by-elections. Barely a month after those, he was ousted.
In the end even his friends invited him to jump. Charlie Haughey, who was elected instead, promptly warned that the country was living beyond its means, but then he did nothing about it, except to make things worse, like the present Government has been doing.
Jack Lynch got shafted after results that were much better than last week’s showing. Five years ago Fianna Fáil suffered its worst showing, but this time was even worse. In Dublin the party suffered a particular drubbing, failing to win any seat in the city in the European election and losing the two by-elections at the same time.
Maurice Ahern could not even retain his council seat. In fact, he finished fifth in the by-election, which was unprecedented for Fianna Fáil. When he fared that badly in his brother’s stronghold, what chance will other Fianna Fáil candidates have in the next election?
In the circumstances Biffo is likely to get blown out faster that Jack Lynch after the 1979 setback, that is if Fine Gael does not come to his rescue, like it did this week.
Garret FitzGerald had the good sense to stand back and allow Fianna Fáil to gut itself 30 years ago. But Enda Kenny tried to put the boot in— into his own mouth, as it turned out.
After the incessant politics of recent weeks, Fine Gael insisted on going on the attack with its no-confidence motion. It thereby allowed the Fianna Fáil leadership and the Greens off the hook.
The Green Party was practically wiped out in the local and European elections. Years of progress was undone, and the grassroots must realise that if they stay in government with the present crowd until the next general election, they will end up like the Progressive Democrats — politically extinct. But Fine Gael gave them no time for introspection.
The Dáil was supposed to debate the Ryan report, and the protest march was organised to coincide with that. But the debate was postponed, thereby helping to take the spotlight from the march and antagonise those people.
As Fine Gael left the government parties off one hook, they promptly impaled themselves on another by refusing to meet the marchers. The march had been a quiet, dignified affair. Many of those people had been vilely treated in a most unChristian way, and to make it worse, it was all done in the name of God. Successive governments comprising all parties had shamefully failed them, and it was incumbent on the Government to apologise on behalf of the Irish people.
They have been very quick to tell us that, as the Government of the day, they must make hard decisions, but as usual, they flew in the face of their responsibility. Yes, our chickens fly! Were they afraid that some of the people who had been so seriously wronged, would have let off some steam? Members of government could have gained some kudos by representing the Irish people and expressing all our shame at what happened.
Instead they funked it, as they have funked every other hard decision. Like craven cowards they refused to meet the march; they skulked in Leinster House met just a few chosen leaders in private afterwards. The Government demonstrated its pathetic concept of leadership, its dearth of political intelligence, and lack of basic integrity.
Shortly after Brian Cowen became Taoiseach, I suggested he should invite the opposition to form a national government in order to tackle the current crisis. The opportunity was spurned and now it is too late.
Ivan Yates was arguing during the week that the current Government will buckle on some specific issues, and Fine Gael and Labour will then likely be able to form a majority government, but they will then suffer unpopularity by implementing harsh medicine. "Our problems are overwhelming," he argued.
WHAT makes him think that Labour will go in with Fine Gael? Eamon Gilmore has refused to make any commitment. He may well be planning to play Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael off against each other, and in those circumstances he could end up in coalition with Fianna Fáil, as Dick Spring did in 1995. We already know that Fianna Fáil will promise anything to stay in power.
Between 1977 and 1987 the three main parties played politics as usual with the economy, while the cream of a generation were forced into exile by economic necessity. Eventually we overcame that recession through the patriotism and foresight of the Tallaght Strategy.
When Charlie Haughey was elected taoiseach in 1987, Garret FitzGerald announced that Fine Gael would support the government if it administered the unpleasant medicine that both parties knew was necessary.
Alan Dukes then implemented this policy in the national interest. Haughey adopted harsh policies and his popularity soared, but he tried to cash in by calling a general election to gain an overall majority. Instead, Fianna Fáil lost four seats. Dukes, bolstered by four extra Fine Gael seats, offered to support Fianna Fáil again, but this time at a price. He demanded half of the cabinet seats and the rotation of the taoiseach’s office between the two parties. The Progressive Democrats came to Haughey’s rescue by selling themselves for a couple of cabinet seats.
Of course, they had Charlie where they wanted him. And when they said, "jump," he jumped. In a sense, they actually got rid of him.
Now the plight is much worse and we already lost a year by failing to tackle it. Current spending is running at €56 billion while the State’s revenue is only €36bn. We need a general election with the promise of a national government that will put the country’s interests first.
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